It's
that time of year again when we take a moment to think about our past and our present and wonder what will it be like for us in the future. One of the things we think about during this time of the year is a battle that took place between Russians and Turks on
the plains of Sarikamish during the winter of 1915. We look back at the time and wonder - with great frustration - what would it have been like
for Armenians had there not been a Bolshevik revolution to reverse the
advances made by imperial Russian forces in Ottoman occupied Western Armenia during that historic winter one
hundred years ago. By the winter of 1915, most of Western Armenia was liberated by a
combined Russian-Armenian force and Armenians stood on the verge of a
historic victory in the Armenian Highlands. Then came the Bolshevik
revolution which all but destroyed the Russian Empire by 1917. Russians were forced to retreat. Western Armenia was abandoned to its fate. By
1918, all of Western Armenia was lost and Armenians of the entire
region found themselves on the verge of extinction. Miraculously, Armenians managed
to hold on to a small parcel of land previously
administered by the Russian Empire in the south Caucasus and proclaimed independence
in May, 1918. But the independence of the first Armenian republic was more in name than in reality.
The newborn Armenian state simply could not survive on its own. Armenia's
victorious Western allies did not lift a finger to help the fledgling
nation. To make matters even worst, Armenia's "nationalistic" leadership
at the time, who had blindly placed all its hope on Western powers, did
its best to antagonize the newly established Bolshevik leadership that had acquired power in Russia. The result, a
newly created nation that was barely alive faced a two front
battle: One against resurgent Turks, one against rising Bolsheviks; and Western powers
were no where in sight. The leadership in Armenia at least had the good sense to abandon Armenia in 1921 to the lesser of the evils, Bolsheviks.
Many valuable lessons can be derived from studying this particular time period, with the main ones being: The recognition that Russia's political and economic health is of paramount importance to Armenia; the recognition that Armenians have to find common language with the political leadership in Moscow regardless of who they are; the recognition that regardless of who is in power in Russia, Armenia cannot afford to place any amount of hope on Western powers; the recognition that if Western Armenia is to be liberated ever again it will only happen through force and by Russian support; the recognition that Russians and Turks are natural competitors and that they are destined to clash periodically; the recognition that none of Armenia's immediate neighbors can be trusted; the recognition that Armenians need to unconditionally rally around the national flag and relentlessly pursue Armenia's strategic interests; finally, the need to realize that Armenia ultimately needs to breakout of its mountain prison (it's current territorial status) if it is to ever prosper and become strong.
This year the Battle of Sarikamish takes on a whole new significance due to historic developments between Moscow and Ankara. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to once more revisit the battle that had finally liberated Western Armenia from nearly one thousand years of Turkish/Muslim occupation.
Many valuable lessons can be derived from studying this particular time period, with the main ones being: The recognition that Russia's political and economic health is of paramount importance to Armenia; the recognition that Armenians have to find common language with the political leadership in Moscow regardless of who they are; the recognition that regardless of who is in power in Russia, Armenia cannot afford to place any amount of hope on Western powers; the recognition that if Western Armenia is to be liberated ever again it will only happen through force and by Russian support; the recognition that Russians and Turks are natural competitors and that they are destined to clash periodically; the recognition that none of Armenia's immediate neighbors can be trusted; the recognition that Armenians need to unconditionally rally around the national flag and relentlessly pursue Armenia's strategic interests; finally, the need to realize that Armenia ultimately needs to breakout of its mountain prison (it's current territorial status) if it is to ever prosper and become strong.
This year the Battle of Sarikamish takes on a whole new significance due to historic developments between Moscow and Ankara. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to once more revisit the battle that had finally liberated Western Armenia from nearly one thousand years of Turkish/Muslim occupation.
January, 2015 marked the 100th anniversary of an epic military battle that saw Russian troops inflict nearly 100,000 casualties upon Ottoman army regulars during the Russian Czar's Caucasus Campaign during the First World War. Ottoman Turks were preparing to wage war against the Russian Empire. Imperial Russian forces, reinforced by a significant number of battle-hardened Armenian volunteers from the Caucasus, preempted the impending Ottoman strike against the Russian Empire in the south Caucasus by advancing west towards Erzurum from the Russian held ancient Armenian city of Kars. It was late December 1914, the initial stages of the Caucasus Campaign during the First World War, when the two imperial rivals first met on the wind swept, snow covered mountainous landscape at Sarikamish. When the battle was over some four weeks later, the entire Ottoman force under the leadership of none other than Enver Pasha lay utterly decimated. Thousands-upon-thousands of frozen Ottoman corpses lay strewn across the frozen battlefield. The Ottoman war-machine had totally collapsed on its eastern front. According to some accounts, out of a force of nearly 100,000 Ottoman troops about 60,000 to 80,000 were said to have perished during the battle and the rest had either fled or were taken prisoner. The following is a rare archival film footage of the battle's aftermath -
Road of Sarikamish after the Turkish retreat December, 1914 (video): http://www.britishpathe.com/record.php?id=80771
The
exact number of Ottoman casualties may be disputed by historians
today. What's not in dispute, however, is that an entire
Ottoman army lay decimated in Western Armenia on January, 1915. The Ottoman defeat at
Sarikamish had finally opened the gates to the historic Armenian Highlands. With this gate wide open, the
Russian-Armenian force went on to liberate the ancient
Armenian cities of Van, Erzurum, Baiburt, Erzingan, Artvin and Trabizon from the bloody
clutches of Turkish and Kurdish tyrants. The
following map details Russian advances in Western Armenia during
their Caucasus Campaign between December 1914 and May 1916 -
Russian advances in Western Armenia during the Caucasus Campaign in 1915
Russian successes inside historic Armenian territories enabled a significant portion of the region's native Armenian population escape the ravages of war and the genocidal campaign of Turks. After suffering several hundred years of Turkic-Islamic oppression and periodic large scale massacres, Armenians were finally beginning to see the light of salvation and liberty. By early 1917 the Russian-Armenian frontier stretched as far west as Erzingan. There was no Turkish army in sight and the liberation of Western Armenia seemed all but completed. Then, quite suddenly, fate struck. Alas, the sun was not to shine on the Armenian Highlands.
The Russian Empire had suffered a devastating defeat at the hands of Germany on European front at the Battle of Tannenberg early in the war. This near total defeat of Russian forces in Europe between 1914 and 1915 had began to create serious sociopolitical unrest within the vast but now increasingly ungovernable empire. The hardships of the world war had set into motion series of unpredictable events that would eventually lead to a successful Bolshevik takeover of Imperial Russia during a bloody revolution that would later became known as the October Revolution of 1917. As a result of tumultuous events leading up to the October Revolution in 1917, the Russian Czar was forced to call off his highly successful Caucasus Campaign against Ottoman Empire. Consequently, Russian troops began abandoning their conquered positions within Western Armenia by early 1917. As such, the gains made at Sarikamish, Van and Erzurum (Armenian Karin) would prove futile. What followed the Russian retreat from Western Armenia was the darkest page in Armenian and Russian history -
Turkish advances after the Bolshevik revolution in 1917
By 1918 the entire Russian nation had descended into a darkness that it would not come out of until long after the Second World War and after tens-of-millions of Russians had perished. With the unexpected abandonment of the Armenia Highlands by imperial Russian forces, using the pro-Russian sentiments of Caucasian Armenians as a pretext, Turks began to intensify their genocidal campaign against their defenseless Armenian subjects. By the early 1920s, nearly two million Armenians had perished and all of Western Armenia was all but emptied of its aboriginal Armenian population and was now fully under Turkish/Muslim occupation once again. It is important to note here that Enver Pasha, the Ottoman Empire's Minister of War, was one of the principle architects of the Armenian Genocide. It is also note worthy that Enver was the leader of the ill-fated Ottoman army at Sarikamish and he is said to have barely escaped with his life.
It would be utterly disingenuous to attribute the Ottoman Turk's
genocidal
campaign against Ottoman Armenians living very far from the battlefields
of Sarikamish to Russian actions during the First World War. Ottoman
Armenians had nothing to do with the Imperial Russian campaign against
an overtly aggressive power like the Ottoman Empire. In fact, most
Ottoman Armenians were semi-assimilated and some Armenians at the time
were even rebelling against the Russian Czar. Several thousand Armenian
volunteers from the Caucasus fighting in the Russian imperial army could
not excuse the Turk's genocidal designs against the entire Armenian
population of Ottoman occupied Western Armenia. It is also well known that
Ottoman Turks had genocidal designs for their Armenian subjects going
as far back to the late 19th century. Let's also recall that there were periodic massacres of Ottoman
Armenian long before a single Russian soldier stepped foot into Ottoman
occupied Western Armenia. Simply put, the Russian Caucasus Campaign was
only the pretext, the convenient excuse bloodthirsty Turks sought to accelerate their plans to
rid themselves of the "Armenian question".
Nevertheless, had it not been for the Bolshevik revolution in Russia (largely a Jewish funded and led revolution in which sadly many Armenians also played an important role), I strongly believe that the western reaches of Armenia today would have at the very least included Van, Erzingan and Trabizond - and there would not have been a bloody tragedy known today as the Armenian Genocide. In my opinion, Bolsheviks were indirectly responsible for the horrible tragedy that befell Ottoman Armenians. The Bolshevik leadership was also of course solely responsible for giving Turks and Caucasian Tatars (known today as Azerbaijanis) the Armenian territories of Kars, Ardahan, Nakhijevan and Artsakh. That Bolsheviks were the lesser of evils when fate once again came knocking on the door in Armenia in 1921, is all together another story.
Russians recently produced a very professionally made documentary for the 1ooth anniversary of the First World War. The following is the link to film's segment on the historic Battle of Sarikamish and the Armenian Genocide. I urge the reader, however, to watch the entire eight part series. Although the documentary unfortunately fails to mention the Jewish role in the Bolshevik revolution, this film is a very welcome departure nonetheless from the standard Anglo-American-Jewish interpretation of the historic events in question -
World War One - Episode 3. Documentary Film. Historical Reenactment. 2014: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WBaxL1Rwvmg&feature= youtu.be
How
unpredictable history can be and how cruel it has been for us Armenians for the past one thousand years. Armenians
can draw many conclusions and learn many lessons from these historic
events.
But questioning the wisdom of Armenians participating in Russia's Caucasus Campaign is out of the question. To
liberate one's nation from oppression, one must take calculated risks.
Partaking in the Caucasus Campaign was a risk well worth taking. After all,
no one expected the Russian Empire to suffer a devastating defeat at the
hands of Germany so early in the war and no one could predict the total
collapse of the Russian Empire as a result of the Bolshevik revolution.
From an Armenian perspective, a historic opportunity was presented
during the early months of the First World War to free Western Armenia
from the bloody clutches of Turks and Kurds and several thousand Armenians from the
Russian Empire were smart enough, courageous enough and patriotic enough to take advantage of it. As noted above, it would be
wise to recall once more that there had already been large scale
massacres of Armenians by Turks in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Armenians desperately wanted freedom from the Turkish yoke.
Today, while we Armenians have freed ourselves from the Turkish yoke, large portions of Western Armenia continue to remain under Turkish occupation. Therefore, when an opportunity arises to liberate our historic lands (recent events in the Middle East have shown us that it is a real possibility), I expect Armenians to take advantage of it. We can't be satisfied with the Armenia we have today. We need to understand that for Armenia to truly prosper it has to breakout of its mountain prison. We also need to understand that Russians and Turks are natural competitors and that they are destined to clash, sooner- or-later. There will therefore be another opportunity to liberate Western Armenia. But to take advantage of such an opportunity, we, simply put, have to be ready. Preparing such a mindset is what I try to cultivate through this blog. Before we however even think about such a project, we first need to strengthen our homeland (not through destructive Western fairytales but through unconditionally rallying around the national flag and participating in unconditional nation-building) and deepen our ties with the Russian nation (and Iran).
After the collapse of the Soviet Union Moscow earnestly embarked on a multi-pronged effort to establish good relations with Ankara. This ambitious project seemed to have been masterminded by Alexander Dugin, a well-known Russian nationalist and political scientist. Alexander Dugin had envisioned an anti-American "Eurasian" alliance comprised of Russians and Turks, as well as Iranians and Arabs. In more recent years, this project of his seemed to have morphed into a Russian agenda to bring Ankara into Moscow's orbit; which many observers suspected was Moscow's intent all along. From a Russian perspective, warming of relations with Turkey made good sense, at least theoretically. Russia was essentially trying to drive a wedge between NATO and NATO's second largest army and from the looks of it, the effort seemed to be gradually succeeding: Annual bilateral trade between Russia and Turkey had grown to over $30 billion in recent years and it was hoped that it would grow to $100 billion in the near future... although there were inherent problems in the relationship. Moscow and Ankara had begun the construction of the "Turk Stream" pipeline through which Russian natural gas would be delivered to Europe... although it was having inherent problems. Moscow had begun building Turkey's first nuclear power reactor... although it was having inherent problems. At times, Ankara signaled its willingness to entertain Moscow's proposals, but there continued to remain inherent problems between the two states.
Today, while we Armenians have freed ourselves from the Turkish yoke, large portions of Western Armenia continue to remain under Turkish occupation. Therefore, when an opportunity arises to liberate our historic lands (recent events in the Middle East have shown us that it is a real possibility), I expect Armenians to take advantage of it. We can't be satisfied with the Armenia we have today. We need to understand that for Armenia to truly prosper it has to breakout of its mountain prison. We also need to understand that Russians and Turks are natural competitors and that they are destined to clash, sooner- or-later. There will therefore be another opportunity to liberate Western Armenia. But to take advantage of such an opportunity, we, simply put, have to be ready. Preparing such a mindset is what I try to cultivate through this blog. Before we however even think about such a project, we first need to strengthen our homeland (not through destructive Western fairytales but through unconditionally rallying around the national flag and participating in unconditional nation-building) and deepen our ties with the Russian nation (and Iran).
Russians and Turks will fight again, will we be ready?
After the collapse of the Soviet Union Moscow earnestly embarked on a multi-pronged effort to establish good relations with Ankara. This ambitious project seemed to have been masterminded by Alexander Dugin, a well-known Russian nationalist and political scientist. Alexander Dugin had envisioned an anti-American "Eurasian" alliance comprised of Russians and Turks, as well as Iranians and Arabs. In more recent years, this project of his seemed to have morphed into a Russian agenda to bring Ankara into Moscow's orbit; which many observers suspected was Moscow's intent all along. From a Russian perspective, warming of relations with Turkey made good sense, at least theoretically. Russia was essentially trying to drive a wedge between NATO and NATO's second largest army and from the looks of it, the effort seemed to be gradually succeeding: Annual bilateral trade between Russia and Turkey had grown to over $30 billion in recent years and it was hoped that it would grow to $100 billion in the near future... although there were inherent problems in the relationship. Moscow and Ankara had begun the construction of the "Turk Stream" pipeline through which Russian natural gas would be delivered to Europe... although it was having inherent problems. Moscow had begun building Turkey's first nuclear power reactor... although it was having inherent problems. At times, Ankara signaled its willingness to entertain Moscow's proposals, but there continued to remain inherent problems between the two states.
For much of the post-Soviet period, Moscow and Ankara did their best to nurture their evolving "partnership". Even when there were periodic misunderstandings between them, they did their best to continue placing a cordial smile on their increasingly lucrative but always fragile relationship. Moscow's desire to develop good relations with Turkey were ostensibly based on pragmatic geopolitical calculations and long-term economic considerations. Moscow thought, or rather hoped, that Turkey (a G-20 nation and a prominent member of NATO) would be West's weak link. Moscow thus worked on trying to detach Ankara from the Western world through lucrative trade deals and diplomatic niceties. However, despite it all, the relationship in question continued to be hampered by numerous inherent problems which were geopolitical in nature. The relationship between the two regional powers began souring quickly when Moscow began pursuing its geostrategic interests: First in the south Caucasus, then in the Ukraine and more recently in Syria. Russia's geostrategic pursuits were constantly getting in the way of Turkey's geostrategic interests.
For example: If Armenia's protection was strategically vital for Moscow, it was however a strategic problem for Ankara. If Crimea's annexation was strategically vital for Moscow, it was a strategic problem for Ankara. If Bashar Assad's Iran-backed Alawite government's preservation in Syria was strategically vital for Moscow, it was a strategic problem for Ankara. Turks may be backstabbing barbarians but they are not stupid. Turkish officials finally realized that the business of getting too close to the Russian Bear meant Ankara had to more-or-less give up all its geostrategic interests in its neighborhood.
Turks saw their Russian "partners" ruining their pan-Turkic agendas in Central Asia, the Black Sea region, the South Caucasus and more recently, right on Turkey's volatile border in the Middle East. Suddenly, Ankara faced the marginalization of Tatars in Russia's Crimea and Turkmens in northern Syria. Suddenly, Ankara faced the potential emergence of a Russia-backed Kurdish rebellion. Seeing that Moscow's geostrategic pursuits were seriously hurting Turkish interests throughout the region in recent years, Turks decided that the time was right for a divorce from their Russian partners. These observations, coupled with NATO backing and dreams of neo-Ottoman grandeur may have been enough for Ankara to take the very risky gambit they took last November - and they did so in typical barbaric fashion, staying true to their nature.
To summarize: Just like Damascus before it, Moscow had managed to establish what it thought was good relations with Ankara. Now, also similar to what happened to Damascus, Moscow has been stabbed in the back by Turks. Moscow's efforts in trying to establish ties with Turkey has now been quite literally shot down in flames.
I'm glad Turks have stayed true to their Turkic nature. I am even gladder that Russians have once again been reminded about the kind of people they are dealing with. While I was happy that Russia was gaining leverage over Turkey via major trade relations, I am happier now that Russia and Turkey have hostile relations. This latest spat between Moscow and Ankara should not have surprised anyone. The friendship between Moscow and Ankara was shallow and based on wishful thinking and false pretenses. Problems between Russians and Turks could be expected because the relationship between Moscow and Ankara contained within it an inherent clash of interests. Moscow and Ankara would not be able to maintain good relations for long periods of time because their national interests are vastly divergent. This is something I have always talked about in this blog. This was why I never once thought the friendship between the Bear and the Wolf would last very long. This is why I wanted to see more-and-more Russian leverage over Ankara. Because I have a good understanding of the nature of geopolitics and because I know Russians and Turks well, I never doubted, not even for one moment, that the two would eventually come to blows.
Simply put: Moscow and Ankara could not be natural allies because they are destined to be natural competitors.
Russians and Turks are from two, vastly different cultures/civilizations. Ethnic Russians are mostly decedents of central European Vikings settlers and Iranic Slavs that were Christianized about one thousand years ago. Moreover, the Russian nation is the direct progeny of the Byzantine Empire. Muslim Turks, on the other hand, are the decedents of various central Asian nomadic tribes that invaded eastern Europe, the Caucasus and the Armenian Highlands during the past one thousand years. Christian Slavs and Muslim Turkic peoples have clashed throughout history. Traditionally, Turks have always feared Russians and Russians have always been disdainful of Turks. It's embedded in their genetic makeup. It's essentially a natural rivalry within the human ecology that is similar to that of bears and wolves (pun intended) competing over the same feeding territory. Russians and Turks have come to blows over a dozen times only during the past two hundred years with Russians coming out on top every time. In the 1990s we again saw this rivalry between Russians and Turks play out in the Caucasus and in the Balkans, and more recently we are seeing it take place within Syria and Crimea.
Another reason why Moscow will never lower its guard when it comes to dealing with Turks is Russia's large Turkic/Islamic population. Moscow has an inherent problem in this regard. Therefore, demographic concerns as well as fears of uprisings by its Turkic/Islamic populations will force Russian officials to always keep relations with nations like Turkey and Azerbaijan at an arms length. Simply put: Russian officials know all too well the potential risks of blindly embracing Turks. There may be periods of peace and cooperation between the region's two natural competitors but the rivalry between Russia and Turkey will never totally disappear. Recognition of this is what has made the political West embrace the Turkish nation for the past two centuries. It's not only me predicting an eventual Russo-Turkish clash. In the following article we see George Friedman's Stratfor also acknowledging this natural geopolitical inevitability -
A clash between Russia and Turkey was not a mathematical probability but a mathematical inevitability. The inevitable, however, has happened faster than any of us could possibly imagine. Now, it's a whole new ball game in the region and we Armenians, along with Kurds, Iranians and Alawites better be ready to play a constructive role.Shifting Geopolitics: The Rise of Russia and Turkey (August, 2010): http://theriseofrussia.blogspot.com/2010/11/ ultimately-both-russia-and- turkey-know.html
I reiterate: I never feared closer Russian-Turkish relations because I wanted to see more Russian leverage over Turkey and Azerbaijan. I never feared closer Russian-Turkish relations or closer Russian-Azerbaijani relations because I knew Moscow would never betray its strategic position in Armenia for better ties with a regional Islamic power like Turkey or Azerbaijan. I'd like to remind the reader that even when Moscow had its very lucrative trade relations with Ankara during the past two decades, Moscow continued recognizing the Armenian Genocide; Russian officials continued appearing at the Armenian Genocide memorial in Yerevan; Moscow did not allow Artsakh to be invaded by Azerbaijan; and Moscow never stopped paying less attention to Armenia's border security with Turkey. I'd like to remind the reader that Moscow's approach to regional political matters has been firmly based on its national security needs - and Armenia is an integral part of Russia's national security and it will remain so for well into the foreseeable future - especially now that Moscow has all but abandoned its wish to have good relations with Ankara. To understand what Armenia meant to the Russian leadership even before this latest spat between Moscow and Ankara, let us take a quick look again at what Russians have had to say about Russian-Armenian relations:
In an article appearing in Russia Today, Mikhail Aleksandrov, a political analyst working for the Institute of CIS made the following comment about Moscow's military presence inside Armenia -
“Armenian-Russian ties support a balance of forces. With its presence in the South Caucasus, Russia is creating a counterbalance to Turkey, Iran and preventing the West from getting access to the region, including military. If it wasn’t for Russia, the South Caucasus would be in a similar situation as we are observing in Syria or Libya today.”In another article produced by Russia's Pravda, Vice President of the Academy of Geopolitical Issues Konstantin Sivkov is quoted as saying -
“If Turkey attacks Armenia, it will be treated as an attack on Russia. Russia would fight on Armenia's side with all its might. If necessary, Russia could use nuclear weapons against Turkey, both tactical, and if need be, strategic. This is defined in the military doctrine of the Russian Federation. Armenia is fully protected with the Russian umbrella of both conventional forces as well as strategic nuclear forces.”Alexsei Arbatov, the former deputy chairman of the Russia State Duma's Defense Committee defined Russian-Armenian relations with the following words -
“Armenia is our only classic military-political ally...Armenia will not survive without Russia, while, without Armenia, Russia will lose all its important positions in the Caucasus...Even though Armenia is a small country, it is our forepost in the South Caucasus. I would say that Armenia is more important to us than Israel is to the Americans.”In describing what Russia's reaction would be to a possible invasion of Armenia by Turkey or Azerbaijan, Alexander Khramchikhin, Director of the Institute for Political and Military Analysis said -
This comment by the former Russian ambassador to Armenia, Vladimir Stupishin -
This comment by Alexander Dugin, the political philosopher many Armenians accuse of being pro-Turkish and anti-Armenian -“In my view, the true settling of the Karabakh conflict suggests complete rejection by Azerbaijan of the primal Armenian lands. It is possible to resolve the problem of the refugees by providing them with opportunities in places where they live now. How come in almost every discussion on Karabakh the only refugees that are being consistently mentioned are the Azeri refugees? Why can’t the Armenians return to Baku, Gyandja, Sumgait, Artsvashen, Getashen, etc.?”
"Armenia is the single most serious ally of Russia. It is part of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization, that is, we should have a unitary system of missile and air defenses and integration on all levels, including nuclear defense and the nuclear umbrella which we guarantee Armenia. Accordingly, these actions take place in the framework of deploying a system of strategic security around Russia in relying on its allies. Armenia belongs to this first and foremost. But this is not because we are planning some kind of aggravation of Turkey or, moreover, a war."This comment by a Russian-Muslim political analyst, Ilqar Mammadov -
"When Azerbaijani officials, including the president, predict that Armenia will collapse as a state, they are mistaken. Nobody will let Armenia collapse. Even if only 100,000 people lived in Armenia, Russia would protect it as it regards Armenia as its outpost."This comment by head of Russia's Institute of Oriental Studies, Vitaly Naumkin -
"Russia will never allow Armenia to be harmed or attacked. If anyone attacks Armenia, Russia will take part in defending Armenia, this is absolutely obvious.”This comment by Senior researcher of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Viktor Nadein-Rayevsky -
“Russia will never cede Armenia for improving its relations with Turkey. This is a matter of principle. There are things one can sacrifice, but there are things one cannot. The point is not so much that two million Armenians live in Russia and many of them are Russian citizens. For Armenia Russia’s steps must never be bad. The point is that even the Yeltsin Russia perfectly realized that it must not waive Armenia’s interests, not mentioning Putin, who clearly sees the national interests, at least, the clear ones. He is trying to extrapolate them for the future. I simply can’t imagine that Russia may yield Armenia – if Russia does this it will lose all of its positions in the Caucasus. Russia should understand one most important thing – there are partners and allied countries with whom one should keep up the sense of alliance and duty.”And the following are the comments of the Russian Ambassador to Armenia -
"It is impossible to imagine modern Russian history without Armenians"
Even
when Russia was on its knees and in no shape to fight anyone, when
Ankara began mobilizing its military on the border with Armenia with the intention of intervening
on behalf of Azerbaijan during spring of 1992 when the war in Artsakh
had suddenly began going very badly for Baku, Moscow mustered enough strength to threaten Turkey with a world war. Yes,
Russia threatened Turks with a world war over a little Armenia that was
no longer under its control and at a time when it was in no shape to fight anyone.
Russia was ready to risk everything for our little homeland in the
south Caucasus even when Russia itself was in chaos and in danger of
falling apart. The following is an excerpt from a 1996 analysis by
Dmitri Trenin -
If
Moscow was ready to go to war when Armenia was threatened by Turkey
in the early 1990s, a time when Russia was on its
knees, I think the reader can use his or her imagination as to what Moscow
would do today if an outside force dared to threaten
Armenia again. If Moscow today is willing to stand up for Iran, I think the reader can use his/her imagination as to what Moscow
would do if Armenia was in serious need of support. If Moscow was willing to send large numbers of troops into harms way for Bashar Assad's government in Syria - I think we can expect Moscow to place
its nuclear arsenal on red alert if Armenia was
threatened with an invasion. Armenian officials must recognize Armenia's great
strategic significance for Moscow and therefore stop being passive and start being proactive.
Historically, regardless of the nature of their relationship with Turks, Russians have always looked at Armenia as a strategic fortress protecting Russia's vulnerable underbelly. Even the Jewish-led Bolsheviks, yes those that had mutilated some parts of historic Armenia in hopes of luring Turkey into the Soviet Union, recognized the overall strategic importance of preserving an Armenia state in the region. In fact, we have an Armenia today primarily because of this recognition by Soviet leaders. Simply put: Armenia's strategic importance and value to Russia will remain unchanged for as long as Westerners, Turks and Islamists have designs for the Caucasus. There will be no alternative scenarios or alternative geostrategic formulas for the Kremlin for the foreseeable future. Armenia's territorial integrity, as well as that of Artsakh's, will therefore be of vital strategic importance to Moscow - for as long as Yerevan and Stepanakert remain firmly allied to Russia. Now that Russia and Turkey have had a falling out, Armenia's strategic value for Moscow just got an immense boost. I would therefore like to thank the sultan-wannabe in Ankara for the great favor he has done to Armenia.
The above is essentially why Western powers have been trying to drive a wedge between Moscow and Yerevan. The intent is all too obvious -
While warm relations between Moscow and Ankara should not
have scared Armenians, I much prefer frosty Russo-Turkish relations. From an Armenian perspective, any degree of Russian
control over Turkey was welcome, any degree of Russian-Turkish hostility is even more welcome.
Historically, regardless of the nature of their relationship with Turks, Russians have always looked at Armenia as a strategic fortress protecting Russia's vulnerable underbelly. Even the Jewish-led Bolsheviks, yes those that had mutilated some parts of historic Armenia in hopes of luring Turkey into the Soviet Union, recognized the overall strategic importance of preserving an Armenia state in the region. In fact, we have an Armenia today primarily because of this recognition by Soviet leaders. Simply put: Armenia's strategic importance and value to Russia will remain unchanged for as long as Westerners, Turks and Islamists have designs for the Caucasus. There will be no alternative scenarios or alternative geostrategic formulas for the Kremlin for the foreseeable future. Armenia's territorial integrity, as well as that of Artsakh's, will therefore be of vital strategic importance to Moscow - for as long as Yerevan and Stepanakert remain firmly allied to Russia. Now that Russia and Turkey have had a falling out, Armenia's strategic value for Moscow just got an immense boost. I would therefore like to thank the sultan-wannabe in Ankara for the great favor he has done to Armenia.
The above is essentially why Western powers have been trying to drive a wedge between Moscow and Yerevan. The intent is all too obvious -
George Friedman: “Russian presence in Armenia is bad for Turkey”: http://theriseofrussia. blogspot.com/2010/11/arye-gut- israeli-jewish-expert-in.html
Turkish Advice: Armenian diaspora, focus on Russia rather than Turkey! http://www.hurriyetdailynews. com/armenian-diaspora-focus- on-russia-rather-than-turkey
Russian General Leonid Ivashov: Turkey Seeks Separation Between Russia and Armenia: http://news.am/eng/news/36696. html
Opening of Armenian-Turkish Border Should be a Russian but not a U.S. Project: http://www.panarmenian.net/ news/eng/?nid=2700
USA trying to break up Armenian-Russian military relations, general says: http://www.eurasianet.org/ resource/a...0005/0040.html
Regarding
the prospects of Russia going to war today: Let's
recognize that whatever
Russia is doing today it is doing from a clear position of strength.
Unlike in 1914, the Russian state today does not have any major
sociopolitical issues within its borders. During the early 20th century
Russia was ripe for a major sociopolitical upheaval and Marxism was a
growing force inside the country. Nothing of the sort exists today. If Russia did not collapse during the chaotic 1990s,
it certainly ain't going to do so now or anytime in the foreseeable
future. Other than Pussy
Riot sluts acting hysterical periodically; other than some angry gay
activists throwing temper tantrums now-and-then; other than a suicidal
Islamist fanatic blowing him or herself up from time-to-time, there is
no major sociopolitical movement brewing inside the country that can
even remotely pose a real threat to the Russian state. Despite Western sanctions, Russia economy is stable and Russians continue enjoying a good standard of living. More importantly, the Russian leader enjoys unprecedented levels of support at home as well as abroad. Unlike in 1914, Russia today is a
massive nuclear superpower who's military capabilities rival that of the
West's. Unlike in 1914, Europe and much of Eurasia (including Turkey)
are very dependent on Russian energy and trade for survival. More
importantly, the Russian nation has learned the lessons
of the 20th century all too well. With
a land stretching virtually from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with
natural resources virtually inexhaustible and with a massive nuclear
armed military that is unbeatable on any battlefield, whatever serious
campaign, military or otherwise, the Russian nation decides to embark
upon today will be a safe bet in my opinion -
Regime change in Russia? Think again, neocons: http://www.rt.com/op-edge/310744-neocons-regime-change-russia/
West ill at Ease as Russia Still Retains Its Global Power Status: http://sputniknews.com/business/20150719/1024806762.html
US Army Colonel: Russia Would ‘Annihilate’ US Army In A Direct Confrontation: http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/11/pentagon-fight-over-russia-213316?paginate=false
Russia and China strengthen ties, as Putin looks east in wake of Western sanctions: http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/russia-china-strengthen-ties-putin-looks-east-wake-western-sanctions-1490985
We Armenians have been talking about liberating "Western Armenia" for decades. All of a sudden, it feels as if it can become a reality someday. Will we be ready? Are we as a people ready to play a pivotal role if Russia does decide to go to war against Turkey? The Russian army's lightning advance into the Armenian Highlands during the Caucasus Campaign in the First World War showed Armenians that the liberation of Western Armenia is a possibility, given that it is done under the right circumstances. The heroic campaign one hundred years ago encourages us to prepare, at least mentally, for the next historic opportunity. The first stage of that historic opportunity may have already come. What Ankara did on November 24 was an act of war and it may eventually prove to be its death knell. By taking a cheep shot at the Bear, barbarians in Ankara did us Armenians a great favor. The Russian Bear now sees the Turk not merely as a regional competitor but as an enemy and a danger to its interests.
This is a historic opportunity for Armenia and for Artsakh. The latest spat between Russia and Turkey has presented us an operational template to build a long-term strategy to liberate historic Armenian lands. Now is the time we begin working on it. Now is the time to begin making Russians finally understand that Ankara and Baku continue being governed by Asiatic squatters with a pan-Turkic agenda. Moscow must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku have always been and will continue being exploited by their Anglo-American-Jewish masters. Moscow must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku will always be a hotbed of Islamic extremism. Moscow must be made to understand that as long as these Asiatic squatters remain at the helm in Ankara and Baku, Russia's vulnerable underbelly will continue being threatened by Western powers, pan-Turkic nationalists and Islamic extremists -
Soviet leaders made a historic mistake back in 1921: This may be Moscow's chance to begin correcting the mistake. Moscow must understand that sooner-or-later Asia Minor has to be returned to its former inhabitants because for as long as a "Turkish" state exists in the region, there will be no peace - not for Russians, not for Armenians, not for Greeks, not for Iranians, not for Kurds, not for Alawites. I hope to see this historic spat between Russia and Turkey become the foundation upon which we will see a new Battle of Sarikamish take place in the foreseeable future - of course without the first one's Bolshevik ending. I have no doubt that when opportunity does come knocking once again, a renewed Caucasus Campaign will yield a drastically different result. Will we Armenians be ready for such a time?Russian Expert: “Ankara’s response to United Air Defense between Russia and Armenia will be strengthening of military cooperation with Baku”: http://rusarminfo.ru/expert-opinion-ankaras-response-to-united-air-defense-between-russia-and-armenia-will-be-strengthening-of-military-cooperation-with-baku/
Liberation of Western Armenia
International law is made by the powerful to control the weak. Only the powerful can impose their version of history upon others. Only the powerful can right the wrongs of history. Only the powerful can enjoy a prominent position on the negotiation table. Only the powerful are invited to lavish banquets as honored guests. We must also not forget that for thousands of years politics has been governed by one very natural yet simple law: Might makes right. As long as we Armenians continue thinking of ourselves as victims and continue acting like victims; as long as we Armenians blindly pursue Western fairytales; as long as we Armenians are distracted from fully exploiting Armenia's close alliance with Russia - we Armenians shall forever remain victims and Armenia shall forever remain destitute.
A nation that is tiny, landlocked, impoverished, remote and blockaded by hostile neighbors in a very volatile geographic environment will suffer severe socioeconomic and sociopolitical instability even under the best of circumstances. Even if all of Armenia's oligarchs sprouted wings and turned into pretty little angels overnight, Armenia would remain economically handicapped due to circumstances of the south Caucasus. Toppling Armenia's dreaded oligarchs will not solve any of Armenia's most fundamental problems. Such a thing will in fact make things much worst.
Ultimately, what the south Caucasus needs is Pax Russica and what Armenia needs is to break out of its geographic isolation. I have long maintained that sooner-or-later Armenia will need to expand territorially. In other words: Armenia has to breakout of its desolate, mountain prison - if it is to prosper and be taken seriously by the international community.
I have always maintained that collaboration with Russia (and Iran) is the only way forward for Armenia in this regard. I have always maintained that the best route for Armenia to expand is through Georgia to the Black Sea or through Azerbaijan to the southern Russian border. The liberation of Western Armenia is also a hypothetical possibility and it should definitely be addressed. Allow me to start off by first saying that this is a very complex geopolitical matter. There are many variables involved, not the least of which is the unpredictability of tomorrow. No one but God knows when the day will come when Armenian tanks will drive into the city of Van and reclaim Armenia's most ancient capitol. That glorious day may or may not happen within our life times. Having said that, we as a nation need to be vigilant and prepared for when an opportunity to do so does arrive once more. If we are not ready to exploit such an opportunity, then obviously there is no chance whatsoever. However, if we are ready and systematically work towards that particular goal, then there is a chance; in fact there is a very good chance. Therefore, it's ultimately up to us as a people to decide what we want for our future. Sadly, however, many Armenians today have either given up on the idea, are indifferent to it, approach it irrationally or are categorically against it. The following are recent examples of what I am referring to -
Zhirayr Sefilyan: We should finally understand that it is impossible to benefit from collision of empires: http://arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid=FB4101E0-DBA0-11E5-A4BD0EB7C0D21663
Continuing Russo-Turkish standoff may bring South Caucasus into equation: http://armenianow.com/news/region/68200/armenia_russia_ turkey_putin_erdogan_ relations_region
The double-edged sword of Russia’s build-up in Armenia: http://www.kyivpost.com/article/opinion/op-ed/armine-sahakyan-the-double-edged-sword-of-russias-build-up-in-armenia-406351.html
Armenia: Stepping Gingerly Around Russia-Turkey Feud: http://www.eurasianet.org/node/76941
Russia's Staging Bases in Armenia: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/armine-sahakyan/russias-staging-bases-in_b_9339046.html?
Armenia pulled into Russia-Turkey clash in Syria: http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/mar/2/armenia-pulled-into-russia-turkey-clash-in-syria/?page=1
«168 ժամ». Հայաստանը կարող է դառնալ պատերազմի թատերաբեմ: http://news.am/arm/news/299237.html
Armenia's Western-led propagandists are fear-mongering. Armenians
need to understand that Western-financed media outlets and activists (and we have a
lot of them in our society) will do their best to sow fear and uncertainty among
Armenians. In the wake of the recent spat between Russia and Turkey, Armenia's
Western-led political opposition has begun engaging in scare rhetoric, warning
Armenians not to get too excited about worsening Russia-Turkish
relations. Ironically, these people are the same ones that were fearing
mongering about warming Russian-Turkish relations. It is this apathy,
irrationality, fear and treasonous behavior, not Turks, that is the main
obstacle we face in righting the wrongs of our history.
Therefore, the "enemy" is us.
Armenians need to envision an Armenia that is freed of its mountain prison. Armenians need to envision an Armenia that either has common borders with Russia or has direct access to the Black Sea. Armenians must also recognize that Armenia is gradually becoming a major regional player. Unlike in 1914, Armenia is an established nation-state with an important strategic alliance with the Russian Federation and very good relations with Iran. Unlike in 1914, Armenia is an independent nation with a major military victory already to its credit. Unlike in 1914, Armenia has a relatively powerful military that is getting stronger by the year. Unlike in 1914, Armenia also has a worldwide Diaspora than will come to its aid in time of need. Unlike in 1914, there is no major sociopolitical movement threatening to engulf Russia in turmoil. Unlike in 1914, Armenia today is a developing nation-state and one that is recognized by all as a pivotal power in the south Caucasus. As long as Armenia keeps close to Russia and Iran, Armenia's existence is guaranteed and its political clout will continue to grow.
Armenians need to envision an Armenia that is freed of its mountain prison. Armenians need to envision an Armenia that either has common borders with Russia or has direct access to the Black Sea. Armenians must also recognize that Armenia is gradually becoming a major regional player. Unlike in 1914, Armenia is an established nation-state with an important strategic alliance with the Russian Federation and very good relations with Iran. Unlike in 1914, Armenia is an independent nation with a major military victory already to its credit. Unlike in 1914, Armenia has a relatively powerful military that is getting stronger by the year. Unlike in 1914, Armenia also has a worldwide Diaspora than will come to its aid in time of need. Unlike in 1914, there is no major sociopolitical movement threatening to engulf Russia in turmoil. Unlike in 1914, Armenia today is a developing nation-state and one that is recognized by all as a pivotal power in the south Caucasus. As long as Armenia keeps close to Russia and Iran, Armenia's existence is guaranteed and its political clout will continue to grow.
The post-Soviet political order is gradually collapsing. The geopolitical tide is changing around the world. Borders in the Middle East are to be redrawn. Nations like Turkey and Azerbaijan may fall victim to these historic changes. The last thing I want is for Armenians to be asleep at the wheel once again when opportunity comes knocking on the door. Apathy and the lack of political awareness as well as a lack of patriotic ambition within Armenian society today is my biggest concern. One hundred years ago the same situation allowed Turks to ravage historic Armenia and exterminate the region's native Armenian population. Despite all the patriotic songs and stories we have heard from that period of the First World War, the reality of the matter is that a vast majority of Armenians at the time were either complacent with their overall condition as semi-Turkified Ottoman subjects or simply scared into inaction. Ultimately, it was Armenians that allowed the Armenian Genocide to take place.
Let's remember that the Ottoman military had been utterly decimated and Turkey was not a serious fighting force soon after the start of the First World War. Moreover, when Russians retreated from Western Armenia in 1917 they left behind large stockpiles of weaponry that Armenians could have used for the liberation effort. Had we as a people rallied around the goal of national liberation at the time we would have been able to preserve significant portions of our historic lands - despite the unexpected Russian retreat in late 1917 - and there would not have been an Armenian Genocide to lament over. In my opinion, Armenian treachery, apathy, complacency and the lack of patriotism, strategic vision, national unity and preparedness allowed the genocide to take place.
When it comes to this discussion, I think we all can learn a lot from our warlike compatriots in Artsakh. In my opinion, being that Armenians of Artsakh are the only major group within the Armenian nation that were not fully subjugated by any power at any time in history, they are the direct genetic decedents of our ancient warrior-aristocracy class. In other words: Armenians of Artsakh carry within their genetic code the traits of our valiant ancient ancestors. It is therefore fully understandable why a vast majority of the greatest Armenian military men in modern times were derived from the general vicinity of Artsakh. This fact alone speaks volumes about the paramount importance of pedigree. While the rest of the Armenian nation was deprived of its warrior and aristocratic classes and systematically reduced to existing as subservient peasants, artisans and petty merchants during the course of the past one thousand years, Armenians of Artsakh were able to preserve our people's ancient characteristics: Resourceful, courageous, disciplined, resilient, stubborn, intelligent, patriotic and warlike. Needless to say, Azeris found all this out the hard way during the 1990s. The land of Artsakh reminded all Armenians that Armenia's enemy has always been and continues to be the Turk. The land of Artsakh showed us all that the only way forward is through armed struggle. The land of Artsakh also gave us all a real lesson in genuine patriotism and realpolitik. In a certain sense, Artsakh saved Armenia and the Diaspora, not the other way around.
Getting back to the First World War: Only a minuscule percentage of Armenians actually fought for Armenia's independence in Western Armenia. Insignificant numbers, lack of discipline and the lack of cooperation and coordination among various Armenian groups at the time often characterized the national liberation struggle. Not only that, many Armenians at the time were even rebelling against the Russian Czar and many within the Ottoman-Armenian community were actually conspiring against Armenian freedom fighters. As much as we are inclined to blame Turks, Kurds, Germans, Brits, French and Russians for our devastating losses during the First World War, we Armenians also share blame. In fact, I would go as far as saying what happened to Armenians back then was primarily the fault of Armenians because, unlike us Armenians, all the other players at the time were merely doing what was in their best interests. Armenians were not doing what was in the best interest of Armenia.
Anyway, that was then, this is now. We need to learn from our past mistakes and look forward. There are many important lessons to be learned from the First World War: The need for national unity; the need for unconditional service to the state; the need for a powerful military; the need to be a part of genuine alliances with neighbors and regional powers; the need for heightened awareness to the political world we live in; and the importance of having strategic vision. Moreover, we have the need to approach Armenia's current sociopolitical issues rationally, objectively and with patience. We also have the need to stop chasing our tails with dangerous Western fairytales: Toxic concoctions known as "Democracy", "Capitalism", "Civil Society", "Westernization" and "Globalization". More importantly, we have the need to collectively work towards deepening our strategic alliance with the Russian Bear. We need to use our God given talents to figure out a way of turning Russia's national interests into an extension of Armenian interests. The foundation to do just that exists today because Moscow's and Yerevan's political interests converge to a great degree. This needs to be further cultivated in a concerted and organized effort. The convergence of interests between our two nations needs to become institutionalized.
Armenia's expansion is therefore mainly contingent upon the nature of Russo-Armenian relations, as well as various other geopolitical and socioeconomic factors. Armenian officials need to work on these various factors and the rest of us need to be patient and pray for the best. I firmly believe we will liberate our historic lands. It's merely a matter of when. I will now briefly address some reoccurring questions and objections regarding the liberation of Western Armenia:
Will Russia help? When the circumstances are right, in other words when the West is in no position to intervene perhaps due to a major war or economic collapse or when the Turkish state is on the verge of falling apart, Moscow may be very willing to participate in a military campaign inside Turkey simply to gain assess to the strategic Strait of Dardanelles or to gain a foothold in the warm water sea ports in Cilicia. Geostrategically speaking, it would fully serve Moscow's interests if their regional Turkish rival is broken into pieces and some of the pieces given to its strategic ally Armenia (of course as long as Armenia remains firmly within the Russian orbit).
Will Iran participate? Iran's position in such a scenario is more difficult to predict for Iran is an Islamic state and it also has a natural fear of Russians. But, with proper negotiations with Moscow and Yerevan and perhaps with some incentives, Tehran may very well be convinced to seek the destruction of its historic rival, the Turk, as well.
How will Armenians defend the land when it's liberated? The lands in question can easily be defended by a well armed and well trained modern military force. The land is rugged and alpine, once you acquire it and dig in, you are in total control. Artsakh is a good example of how effectively a relatively small but capable force can protect a large mountainous region. Also, if you do have a nuclear device behind you, you are virtually untouchable. North Korea is a good example this. With that said, I only envision Armenia making a move into Western Armenia when the Turkish nation is weak and if Yerevan has secured Russian and Iranian support.
What about the Kurds? There is the real possibility that Kurds may be willing to accept the liberation of Western Armenia by Armenians if they receive sovereignty in other Kurdish populated territories inside Turkey. But being that Kurds see parts of Western Armenia as part of a future Kurdistan, serious negotiations need to take place with them in this regard. Moreover, being that Kurds are very fragmented politically and because Iraqi Kurds are backed by American and Israeli intelligence services, Kurds will inevitably prove unreliable and perhaps even problematic. Kurds may therefore be a potential obstacle for Armenia and for Russia. If Kurds decide to hinder a future push into Western Armenia by Russians and Armenians, they will simply have to be pushed out of the territories in question. During times of war these things occur naturally. During their 2006 war against Hezbollah, Israel was been able to displace close to one million Lebanese within two weeks. A much less capable Armenian force in Artsakh was able to displace close to a million Azeris in 1993. Kurds who decide to remain within a liberated Western Armenia will become Armenian citizens (just as they are Turkish citizens now). Nevertheless, the emphasis should be placed on negotiating with Kurds and convincing them to accept sovereignty in territories south and west of lake Van.
What is so important about our lands? Western Armenia, also known as Armenian Highlands is the cradle of Armenian civilization as well as the cradle of human civilization. Western Armenia is where millions of our martyred ancestors lie in unmarked graves. Moreover, the region is strategically located and it is rich in natural resources and agricultural potential. Every Armenian wants to see a prosperous Armenia, right? Well, a prosperous Armenia will need to expand eventually. I envision the Armenian homeland growing in population within the next one hundred years. Armenians will eventually need more land, if only as living space. Therefore, what better land than our lands to expand into? More importantly, the Armenian Highlands hold great geostrategic value. The geostrategic value of the territory that Ankara controls today is one of the fundamental reasons why Turkey is a major political and economic players in the region. The territory in question is an important international intersection and a major hub for international trade. Those that control the Armenian Highlands automatically become major political players throughout the region and beyond.
The only way we
Armenians will be able to get some respect from the international
community is by
creating a large and powerful nation; a nation that would be able to sit
on
the table as an equal with major powers. Let's not forget that politics is always dirty business. If we Armenians want our homeland to truly prosper, we need to be conniving and aggressive. Isn't this how the wealthiest and the most powerful nations on earth got their start? Isn't
this how the wealthiest and the most powerful nations on earth live
today? To this effect, we need to get rid of our genocide complexes. We
need to get rid our our
Diasporan mentalities. Unfortunately, we Armenians think small. When
one
thinks small, one accomplishes small. But as
long as we remain small, dependent on foreign aid and politically
indecisive, the international
community will give us lip service at best or plot our destruction at
worst. It's quite natural to be looked down upon when you are weak. Nevertheless, whether or not we will be
able to liberate our historic lands in Western Armenia is more-or-less based upon the following factors:
A settlement of the Artsakh dispute in Armenia's favor; the strength of the Armenian economy; the strength of the Armenian military; the strength of Russian-Armenian alliance; the strength of Armenian-Iranians relations; the strength of Armenian-Kurdish relations; the strength of Armenian-Arab relations; the degree of Turkey's internal problems; the degree of Turkey's problems with Western powers; the degree of Turkey's problems with Russia; the political maturity and readiness of Armenians.
The above are more-or-less the main factors that would determine whether or not Eastern Armenia will be able to see the liberation of Western Armenia one day. Naturally,
these are all hypothetical and to some extent wishful thinking. The
condition today is not yet ripe. The factors are not yet there. But, as I
said: If we keep this agenda in our minds and desire this within our
hearts, there is a possibility. But if we
don't, there is no chance. Thus, the pivotal factor is played by
nobody but us. As
we have unfortunately been seeing in recent years, throughout our
history our people have been Armenia's biggest and most insurmountable
obstacle. But with proper Social Engineering (conditioning of
the ignorant masses) our naturally talented people can potentially become Armenia's
catalyst to a greater future. Despite its severe yet natural growing pains, our homeland in the south Caucasus is
making good progress in many areas, but there is a lot more to
accomplish. At
the end of the day, we must also recognize that the Russian factor in the south Caucasus is
the main reason why we Armenians have been able to create an Armenian
homeland in a very inhospitable environment for the past two hundred
years. Russia has given Armenians an opportunity we Armenians have not had in well over one
thousand years. We now need to recognize this opportunity and hopefully use it to Armenia's advantage. With the following I'd like to take a brief look at the Russian factor in Armenia's rebirth.
The Russian factor in Armenia's rebirth
The Russian nation has played a fundamental role in the creation of the modern Armenian state. The Armenian state exists today due to the Russian factor in the region. Most Armenians I know however tend to approach this subject matter with emotional bravado and utmost arrogance. I am, on the other hand, going to approach this subject matter very rationally and objectively - because the worst thing we can do as a people at this point in our history is to overestimate our abilities, undervalue our alliance with the Russian nation and underestimate the power of our predatory enemies.
The Russian factor in Armenia's rebirth
The Russian nation has played a fundamental role in the creation of the modern Armenian state. The Armenian state exists today due to the Russian factor in the region. Most Armenians I know however tend to approach this subject matter with emotional bravado and utmost arrogance. I am, on the other hand, going to approach this subject matter very rationally and objectively - because the worst thing we can do as a people at this point in our history is to overestimate our abilities, undervalue our alliance with the Russian nation and underestimate the power of our predatory enemies.
For the past one thousand years the Caucasus has been infested by Turkic peoples and numerous warlike Islamic tribes. It was the Russian nation that brought peace and civility to the greater region during the past two hundred years. However, left on its own the region has the inherent tendency to revert back into being a Turkic-Islamic cesspool. An analogy to ponder: The modern south Caucasus is like a table where Turks, Persians, Azeris, Georgians, Islamists, Western energy interests, Russians and Armenians sit and discuss various political and economic matters. Imagine an Armenia at this table without its Russian occupant. In other words: Imagine Armenia's situation in a Turkic, Islamic and Western energy interest dominated political landscape without the presence of the Russian Bear.
It is virtually impossible to visualize an Armenian homeland within such an Asiatic/Islamic cesspool despite our best imaginations. The Russian factor is the only reason why we Armenians have been able to create an Armenian homeland in such hostile environment for the past two hundred years. And as it has been for the past two hundred years, Armenia has risen with Russia and she has fallen with her. Armenia's situation today is no different. Due to historic, economic and geopolitical circumstances prevailing within the south Caucasus, Armenia is wed to Russia - for better or for worst. Armenians need to recognize this reality, accept it and simply begin working on the relationship to derive maximum benefit for Armenia.
October 12, 2013 was the bicentennial of the Treaty of Gulistan.
This Russo-Persian treaty saw the
liberation of Artsakh from Islamic rule. Some fifteen years later, in
1828, the Treaty of Turkmenchay
was realized. This historic treaty established
the Arax River as the boundary between imperial Russia, the Ottoman Empire and Persia.
By the middle of the 19th century, the entire Caucasus north and south
were fully under Russian rule and the Re-Armenization of historic
Armenian territories had begun in earnest. Therefore, ask yourselves: Where
would Armenia be today had Czarist Russia not come down to the South
Caucasus? Would there be an Armenia today? Perhaps there would. But it's very, very hard
imagining an Armenian nation-state anywhere below the Caucasus
mountain range had the region in question remained Turkic, Persian and/or
Islamic - which is most probably what would have happened had Russians not come down to the Arax River.
These
two hundred year old treaties also reminds us that the south
Caucasus has historically been a Russian zone of interest. The Russian
nation therefore has a historic obligation to the region. In my opinion, the Russian nation has an obligation to right the wrongs of history in the region. I would even go as far as saying that
the Russian nation has a strong obligation towards us Armenians. While
fully acknowledging the immense importance of Russia as Armenia's lifeline
and appreciating all that the Russian nation has directly and indirectly
done for the Armenian nation, it must also be pointed out that Armenians have
sacrificed and contributed immensely for the Russian nation for the past
two hundred years. In fact, per capita, Armenians have given more to the
Russian
nation than another other regional peoples. We Armenians want this sacrifice and
contribution to the great Russian nation to be acknowledged by Russians today.
More
importantly, we want Russia to see the far-reaching potentials of
working with and strengthening an independent Armenian state in the south Caucasus as a Christian
civilization that continues to
protect Russia's southern gate.
Let's now take a brief look back at some of the human factors that led to the time period in question that in turn led to the Treaties of Gulistan and Turkmenchay.
Israel Ori, Davit Bek, Mkhitar Sparapet, Valerian Madatov and Mikhail Loris-Melikov are some of the greatest names in modern Armenian history. The aforementioned individuals were unique in that they were also aristocratic men, both in demeanor and biological lineage. They were in essence remnants of Armenia's ancient military aristocracy that was still miraculously surviving in Artsakh and Zangezur in the 17th and 18th centuries. These men exhibited traits that have all but been eradicated from modern Armenian society (thanks in large part to Bolshevism of yesterday and Westernization and Globalism of today). They were noble men of tireless action, immense courage, military prowess and great political foresight. These men ultimately became directly responsible for the creation of an Armenian nation-state in a region utterly saturated and infested with Turks and Muslims. These men laid the very foundations of the Armenian nation in the Caucasus. One other common trait found within these great men in our history was their intimate connection to imperial Russia. It was through these men that the Russian Empire moved its borders into the south Caucasus.
Before the Russian Empire's invasion of the south Caucasus in the early 19th century, the region in question was a very different place: The Khanate of Erevan (Persian controlled Yerevan) is said to have had dozens of Mosques and only several Armenian churches and Muslims in the territories of modern day Armenia were a vast majority.
How did this Islamic facade of Armenia change? Armenia slowly began to shed it's Turkic/Islamic facade and laid the foundations of an Armenian nation-state as a result of Israel Ori's farsighted political actions and also the heroism of great military men like David Bek and Mkhitar Sparapet. The aforementioned men sought and secured military support from imperial Russia beginning in the early 18th century and by doing so eventually managed to defeat Persian and Ottoman forces in a series of battles throughout the south Caucasus. Their farsighted actions essentially set the foundations upon which the Russian Czar would establish its borders in the south Caucasus. Imperial Russia's presence in the south Caucasus became the foundational template upon which an independent Armenian state would eventual be revived in 1918. The first Armenian republic in-turn became the political base upon which the second, Soviet Armenian republic would be created in 1921. And the Soviet Armenian republic would in-turn morph into the third republic, which was founded in 1991.
In other words: Over two hundred years ago a handful of men and their followers sought and got Russian support and were then able to finally shed centuries of Turkic/Islam rule and set the foundations of the modern Armenian state.
Russian-Armenian alliance of the mid-18th century facilitated the incorporation of the south Caucasus into the Russian Empire in the early 19th century. After the peace the Russian Empire reached with Persia at Gulistan in 1813, the Czar's imperial forces led by great Russian-Armenian military leaders like Valerian Madatov and Mikhail Loris-Melikov went on to conquer the rest of the south Caucasus by 1828. By liberating the region from Islamic rule, the Russian Empire thus became the catalyst upon which the region's Armenian peasantry (unlike their compatriots in Western Armenia) were eventually able to realize their genetic potential. Imperial Russia put in place various academic and military institutions that the region's Armenian population would begin taking advantage of.
As a result of these changes in the region's cultural/political climate, the region's Armenian peasantry gradually began producing large numbers of scientists, intellectuals, writers, academicians, musicians, military men and statesmen. What followed was a flowering of Armenian culture at the time. It is also important to note here that Armenia's nationalistic movements was also in large part made possible by the presence of the Russian Empire in the Caucasus and by the Armenification program that had been started in the region by the famous German-Russian Czarina, Catherine the Great. Imperial Russia actively encouraged Armenian nationalism during the second half of the 19th century. This effort helped give rise to Armenia's political parties, one of which is very active to this day. What's more, Armenia's greatest war heroes of the 19th and 20th centuries were all trained by imperial Russia.
Nevertheless, by the turn of the 20th century the numbers of Armenians had grown considerably in the present territories of Armenia. So when genocidal Turks began their anti-Armenian jihad in the late 19th century in Western Armenia, Armenians had a homeland to retreat to. Therefore, next time Armenians feel that the strong, self-destructive and nauseating urge to claim that Czarist Russia wanted "Armenia without Armenians" they should instead shut their mouths, pull their heads out of their asses, take a deep breath and look at the big picture. And the following is a little snapshot from Wikipedia of the big picture I'm referring to -
"After the incorporation of the [Erivan] khanate into the Russian Empire in 1828, many Muslims (Azerbaijani Tatars, Kurds, Lezgis and various nomadic tribes) migrated to Persia, and were replaced with tens of thousands of repatriated and resettled Armenians from Persia. Such migrations, albeit on a lesser scale, continued until the end of the 19th century... The Russian authorities allowed and encouraged Armenians living in Turkish and Persian territory to migrate into Russian territory - about 49,000 subsequently settled in the Armenian Oblast. Armenian captives who were moved and lived in Iran since 1804 or even as far back as 1795 were permitted to return, which permitted Armenians to regain plurality"
No
matter how one chooses to look at it, the fact is that we have an
Armenia today simply because of the Russian factor in the region's
recent history. But only a few Armenian historians openly acknowlegde it. The
Russian occupation of the southern Caucasus allowed the Armenia's merchant and
peasant classes to come of Islamic society and finally begin cultivating and fine tuning their natural, God given talents. Russia allowed Armenia to enter the modern world. We Armenians are proud to have had great men such as Mikhail Loris-Melikov,
Valerian Matadov, Israel Ori, Davit Bek, Mkhitar Sparapet, Garegin
Njdeh, the Orbeli brothers, Aram Khachaturyan, Artem Mikoyan, Arno
Babajanian, Hovannes Tumanyan, the Mikoyan brothers, Khachatur Abovyan, Hovhannes Baghramyan,
Gevork Vartanyan, Arno Babajanyan, the Alikhanyan brothers, Aram Hambartsumyan, Hovhannes Ayvazovsky, to
name only a few - because of natural talents we have been given by God - coupled with the Russian factor in our modern
history. If stating such facts makes me a Russophile, then so be it. I rather dwell in reality than drown in fantasy.
Had the Russian not come down to the south Caucasus and Anatolia starting in the early 19th century and had Christian Russia not been a safe refuge for a great number of Armenians for several centuries - we Armenians today would in all likeliness still be living stateless in eastern Turkey and northern Iran, not much unlike Yezdis and Kurds.
Had the Russian not come down to the south Caucasus and Anatolia starting in the early 19th century and had Christian Russia not been a safe refuge for a great number of Armenians for several centuries - we Armenians today would in all likeliness still be living stateless in eastern Turkey and northern Iran, not much unlike Yezdis and Kurds.
The Russian nation today continues to be a historic opportunity. Russia today is actually an opportunity Armenia has not had in well over one thousand years. Armenia's national borders have not been this impregnable in well over one thousand years. Arguably, Armenia has not been this independent in well over one thousand years. Armenia has been weathering the current Western instigated crisis in the region quite well thanks to the military protection it has been receiving by the Russian Federation. Despite it all, however, we still have Russophobic freaks throughout the Armenian Diaspora and Armenia itself doing their best to drive a wedge between Yerevan and Moscow. Because as always, Armenia's worst enemies have always been Armenians.
Armenia's worst enemy has always been the enemy within
I would like to briefly deviate for a moment for
a point I
would like to make by asking: How did Armenia's peasantry thank a great military leader, a war hero
and a national liberator like Mkhitar Sparapet?
Well, Armenia's peasantry at the time thanked the great military leader like Mkhitar Sparapet not much unlike how we Armenians have often thanked our leadership: They murdered him, beheaded him and they delivered his severed head to the Turkish Pasha of Tabriz as a reconciliation gift. Why would Armenians treacherously murder a capable Armenian military leader who was trying to liberate his people from Islamic rule? Essentially because Mkhitar Sparapet's military campaigns against Turks and Persians were having an adverse impact on the lives of the region's Armenian peasantry. By getting rid of Mkhitar Sparapet, some Armenians thought they could continue living their peaceful lives as secondary citizens under Islamic rule. Having been presented with Mkhitar Sparapet's head by those who had murdered him, the Turkish Pasha of Tabriz is said to have been so disgusted by their dastardly act that he ordered their beheading.
As the reader can see, we Armenians have always been ready to place our individualism, our comfort, our egos above that of our nation's and we don't easily recognize the authority of other Armenians over us... which is why we are where we are today. Trust me, had President Serj Sargsyan's name been either Ivan, Francois or Mustafa, Armenians would not have had as many problems with him. Armenia's worst enemy has always been the Armenian. As a collective body, as a people, we do not comprehend the sanctity of statehood, we don't recognize the authority of other Armenians over us and we do not comprehend the crucial need to unconditionally rally around our state regardless of who is at the helm.
I always bring up the life and death of Mkhitar Sparapet as a quintessential Armenian story we today need to learn from. Needless to say, he is not the only Armenian leader martyred by the hands of his compatriots. Unfortunately, there are many. Sadly, the life and death of Prince Thoros of Edessa also reads like another typical Armenian tale.
Well, Armenia's peasantry at the time thanked the great military leader like Mkhitar Sparapet not much unlike how we Armenians have often thanked our leadership: They murdered him, beheaded him and they delivered his severed head to the Turkish Pasha of Tabriz as a reconciliation gift. Why would Armenians treacherously murder a capable Armenian military leader who was trying to liberate his people from Islamic rule? Essentially because Mkhitar Sparapet's military campaigns against Turks and Persians were having an adverse impact on the lives of the region's Armenian peasantry. By getting rid of Mkhitar Sparapet, some Armenians thought they could continue living their peaceful lives as secondary citizens under Islamic rule. Having been presented with Mkhitar Sparapet's head by those who had murdered him, the Turkish Pasha of Tabriz is said to have been so disgusted by their dastardly act that he ordered their beheading.
As the reader can see, we Armenians have always been ready to place our individualism, our comfort, our egos above that of our nation's and we don't easily recognize the authority of other Armenians over us... which is why we are where we are today. Trust me, had President Serj Sargsyan's name been either Ivan, Francois or Mustafa, Armenians would not have had as many problems with him. Armenia's worst enemy has always been the Armenian. As a collective body, as a people, we do not comprehend the sanctity of statehood, we don't recognize the authority of other Armenians over us and we do not comprehend the crucial need to unconditionally rally around our state regardless of who is at the helm.
I always bring up the life and death of Mkhitar Sparapet as a quintessential Armenian story we today need to learn from. Needless to say, he is not the only Armenian leader martyred by the hands of his compatriots. Unfortunately, there are many. Sadly, the life and death of Prince Thoros of Edessa also reads like another typical Armenian tale.
Like President Serj Sargsyan of today, Prince Thoros was hated by the Armenians he ruled over in the embattled Christian city of Edessa essentially because he was perceived to be a bad leader. Armenians of Edessa hated him also because he was Greek Orthodox and thus politically allied to Byzantium; similar to how many Armenians today hate President Sargsyan because he was once a communist and because he allied to Russia. Unexpectedly, a few dozen crusading Franks led by a very ambitious knight known as Baldwin of Boulogne showed up in the sociopolitical mess Armenians had created for themselves in Edessa in the late 11th century. These handful of "westerners" were able to quickly overthrow Prince Thoros and subdue the entire city - with the help of the city's Armenian inhabitants. How did they manage it? Simple: The Frankish knights first tricked the aging Armenian prince into embracing them by promising his embattled city much needed military protection against Turks and other Muslims in the region. Once the knights were comfortably settled in the walled city they wasted no time in fomented a popular uprising against the prince who they knew was hated by his people. According to chroniclers from the time, the uprising that was instigated saw the Armenian prince get torn to pieces by an angry Armenian mob. After Armenians brutally murdered their prince, they accepted Baldwin of Boulogne as their ruler. All this was happening when Armenians were barely surviving as a people - and when Turks were just outside the gates of Edessa. After Edessa's successful "color revolution" in 1097 AD, Armenians were living happily as subjects of westerners - until westerners decided to abandon the city and Christian Edessa, a jewel of the ancient world, fell into Turkic/Islamic hands. After which, Armenians began living happily as subjects of Turks and Muslim.
Moral of the story: Armenians will always find reasons and excuses to hate their leaders; Armenians behave themselves best when ruled over by foreigners.
The reader may notice many uncomfortable parallels between then and now. Personally, I can't help but wonder what Armenians today are capable of doing to their much hated president if a crafty foreigner once again showed up inside Armenia and helped Armenians overthrow him. What would freaks from Western-led political opposition groups like the Heritage Party and Founding Parliament do to Armenia's leadership today had they been given impunity by their Western handlers? Wasn't Zaruhi Postanjyan's act back in 2013, the beheading (figurative under such circumstances) of her nation's leader in front of Western officials? Wasn't the intentions of the mysterious armed group that wanted to assassinate Armenian leaders, a direct assault against the Armenian statehood - at a time when the world around Armenia is on the verge of exploding and when Turks are waiting just outside the Armenian gate? Weren't the color revolutions attempted by Levon Petrosian in 2008 and the American agent Raffi Hovanissian in 2013, a Western-led assault against the Armenian state? Wasn't American agent Paruyr Hayrikian's attempted hijacking of the demonstration movement last summer, an assault against Armenia's natural sociopolitical evolution? Wasn't mentally unstable Jirayr Sefilian's attempt to bring color revolution into Artsakh, at a time when the embattled territory has been in a life-and-death struggle, an assault against Artsakh itself? Wasn't the same Founding Parliament's desire to start an armed uprising on the centennial of the Armenian Genocide, an assault against the entire Armenian nation? Wasn't political opposition activist Vahan Martirosyan's circus act in Baku high treason against the Armenian state?
Sadly, we have many, many filthy traitors and destructive idiots in our midst. Thankfully, however, none of them have thus far proven capable of overthrowing today's Prince Thoros or beheading today's Mkhitar Sparapet. But, sadly, the potential for such atrocious behavior remains alive and well in the Armenian body. Not much has therefore changed in Armenian society.
Armenians bickering and fighting among themselves as the world around them burns is a theme that reoccurs throughout my blog commentaries. As I write this, Armenians in Armenia are busy trying to figure out ways to overthrow their government - as Armenia's neighbors are busy preparing for a major war. When the shit-hits-the-fan and the region where Armenia unfortunately finds itself in descends into war, Armenians will suddenly wake up from their stupidity and start praying for Russia to save Armenia. Trust me, even our disgusting Russophobes will be praying for Russia then. It may be in our DNA to be a problematic people. This is why Armenian leaders have always had to battle enemies from the outside as well as enemies from the inside -
Հայ-ռուսական համատեղ մարտավարական զորավարժությունը «Ալագյազ» զորավարժարանում: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R1qU3_acLno&list= UU4lSkT4s1RJ8EK4nZ7pPgqA
Ոստիկանության զորավարժությունը Արզնի օդանավակայանի տարածքում (դիտել 4:45-ից): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YHgK_kKhAxs
"A nation can survive its fools, and even the ambitious. But it cannot survive treason from within. An enemy at the gates is less formidable, for he is known and he carries his banners openly. But the traitor moves among those within the gate freely, his sly whispers rustling through all the alleys, heard in the very halls of government itself. For the traitor appears not traitor, he speaks in the accents familiar to his victims, and he wears their face and their garments, and he appeals to the baseness that lies deep in the hearts of all men. He rots the soul of a nation, he works secretly and unknown in the night to undermine the pillars of a city, he infects the body politic so that it can no longer resist. A murderer is less to be feared" - Cicero, 42 B.C.
“For the power of the nation-state by no means consists only in its armed forces, but also in its economic and technological resources, in the dexterity, foresight and resolution with which its foreign policy is conducted; the efficiency of its social and political organizations. It consists most of all in the nation itself, the people; their skills, energy, ambition, discipline, initiative; their beliefs, myths and illusions. And it consists, further, in the way all these factors are related to one another. Moreover, national power has to be considered not only in itself, in its absolute extent, but relative to the state’s foreign or imperial obligations; it has to be considered relative to the power of other states” - Correlli BarnettI reiterate: It's the arrogance, the self-righteousness, the individualism, the emotions, the jealously, the tribalism, the materialism, the political ignorance and the love of all things Western getting in the way of nation-building. For this situation to improve, for us to evolve, we will need several generations of peace and stability and perhaps a fresh dose of compatible DNA in our gene pool. I do not want to compare Armenians to other nationalities. As I have previously said, we Armenians are more capable than many other nationalities today. Yes, we have been blessed with many positive traits, but we have also been dammed with quite a few destructive ones as well. Unfortunately, the flaws we have are flaws that get in the way of Armenia's development. It's our flaws - as well as the terrible circumstances of the greater region where Armenia is located - the real reason why I place emphasis on deepening Russian-Armenian relations.
Importance of establishing deeper relations with Russia
A prerequisite for establishing a deeper and more effective relationship with Russia is the curtailing of relations with the political West. Knowing firsthand the destructive nature of Westernization and Globalization; knowing firsthand the hostility the Western political establishment holds towards Armenia; knowing firsthand the political ignorance and self-destructive streak prevailing inside a good cross-section of Armenians today - and being under no illusions about Armenia's capabilities as a nation-state to defend itself in the volatile south Caucasus - Armenians have the urgent need to embark on an effort to strengthen Armenia's ties to Russia. In the meanwhile, all Western-funded NGOs and Western propaganda outlets such as Founding-Parliament, Heritage Party, Radio Liberty, Civilitas, Lragir, Hetq and ArmeniaNow and all their affiliates need to be shutdown and their key members placed either under state surveillance or simply expelled from the country as foreign agents. In light of regional developments, it's simply a matter of national security.
Moreover, Armenia also needs to begin placing emphasis on promoting the Russian language inside Armenia. Armenia's youth, those who did not live during Soviet times, have been most susceptible to the most corrosive, most toxic affects of Westernization and Globalism. It is therefore not surprising that the English language has been making serious headway among Armenia's youth as less-and-less of them are learning the Russian language. I'd like to remind the reader that Russian is the language of Armenia's largest trading partner, largest investor, largest arms supplier and largest energy provider. Moreover, unlike English, Russian is not a good catalyst for Westernization and Globalism. The Russian language is in fact an important depository of classical European civilization and thus an antidote to Westernization and Globalism.
By enthusiastically embracing the English language and celebrating Anglo-American cultural elements - low quality modern pop culture in particular - the youth in Armenia are unwittingly adopting Anglo-American values and identity. Let's recognize that with values and identity comes politics and mentality. Knowing the English language makes their job of delivering sociopolitical messages to the masses that much easier. Knowing the English language makes their job of social engineering the masses via cinema, publications, news reports, television and music that much more effective. It should therefore not come as a surprise that untold sums have been spent on the proliferation of the empire's language around the world in recent decades and the effort continues. The English language has thus become a catalyst of corrosive change and a tool of manipulation, meddling and mental conditioning.
When it comes to the English language, unbeknownst to the sheeple, alongside Shakespeare also comes the very toxic tenets of Westernization and Globalism: Multiculturalism, materialism, interracialism, individualism, consumerism, feminism, liberalism, atheism, anti-nationalism, anti-Christianity, junk foods, drug abuse, low quality Anglo-American-Afro pop culture, Holocaust worship and the promotion of pharmaceuticals, sexual perversions, homosexuality and GMOs. The aforementioned toxins travel very close behind the spread of the English language around the world.
The promotion of the Russian language inside Armenia is therefore of paramount strategic importance. Similar to how Israelis embrace the English language and American culture and relentlessly work to recruit Anglo-Americans into Israel's struggle in the Middle East, Armenians likewise need to embrace the Russian language and Russian culture and relentlessly work to recruit Russians into Armenia's struggle in the south Caucasus. The first and second official languages in Armenia need to be Armenian and Russian respectively. Those who worry about the status of the Armenian language in Armenia are allowing Cold War ghosts to muddle their thinking process. If Bolsheviks could not kill the Armenian language, and God knows they tried, Russian will never replace Armenian in Armenia. With that said, other languages that also need to be taught in Armenia are German, French, Persian, Arabic and Chinese. The English language should primarily be reserved for Armenia's diplomatic corps until a new Lingua Franca appears.
Armenians need to embark on an effort to increase intergovernmental and inter-societal exchanges between Yerevan and Moscow. We must become a permanent (positive) fixture within Russian society. Official Yerevan must establish a Russian studies department. Exchanges between Russian and Armenian institutions must take place regularly. Russian business tycoons, state officials, clergy, political activists, celebrities and representatives of political think tanks need to be invited to Armenia on a regular basis. Russia and Armenia have a convergence of interests today. This needs to be further cultivated in a concerted, organized effort. The alliance between our two nations needs to become institutionalized. We need to use our God given talents to figure out a way to turn Russia's core national interests into an extension of Armenian interests. As the following reveals, the foundation to do so currently exists -
While Armenians still exhibit a keen survival instinct, Armenians as a collective body are failing to turn this natural trait into organized political activism. Being pro-Russia or pro-Putin is not good enough. Russian-Armenians need to become better organized and politically active throughout the Russian Federation. The following poll results, however, reveal that we have thus far failed in promoting Armenian awareness inside the Russian Federation -
A prerequisite for establishing a deeper and more effective relationship with Russia is the curtailing of relations with the political West. Knowing firsthand the destructive nature of Westernization and Globalization; knowing firsthand the hostility the Western political establishment holds towards Armenia; knowing firsthand the political ignorance and self-destructive streak prevailing inside a good cross-section of Armenians today - and being under no illusions about Armenia's capabilities as a nation-state to defend itself in the volatile south Caucasus - Armenians have the urgent need to embark on an effort to strengthen Armenia's ties to Russia. In the meanwhile, all Western-funded NGOs and Western propaganda outlets such as Founding-Parliament, Heritage Party, Radio Liberty, Civilitas, Lragir, Hetq and ArmeniaNow and all their affiliates need to be shutdown and their key members placed either under state surveillance or simply expelled from the country as foreign agents. In light of regional developments, it's simply a matter of national security.
Moreover, Armenia also needs to begin placing emphasis on promoting the Russian language inside Armenia. Armenia's youth, those who did not live during Soviet times, have been most susceptible to the most corrosive, most toxic affects of Westernization and Globalism. It is therefore not surprising that the English language has been making serious headway among Armenia's youth as less-and-less of them are learning the Russian language. I'd like to remind the reader that Russian is the language of Armenia's largest trading partner, largest investor, largest arms supplier and largest energy provider. Moreover, unlike English, Russian is not a good catalyst for Westernization and Globalism. The Russian language is in fact an important depository of classical European civilization and thus an antidote to Westernization and Globalism.
By enthusiastically embracing the English language and celebrating Anglo-American cultural elements - low quality modern pop culture in particular - the youth in Armenia are unwittingly adopting Anglo-American values and identity. Let's recognize that with values and identity comes politics and mentality. Knowing the English language makes their job of delivering sociopolitical messages to the masses that much easier. Knowing the English language makes their job of social engineering the masses via cinema, publications, news reports, television and music that much more effective. It should therefore not come as a surprise that untold sums have been spent on the proliferation of the empire's language around the world in recent decades and the effort continues. The English language has thus become a catalyst of corrosive change and a tool of manipulation, meddling and mental conditioning.
When it comes to the English language, unbeknownst to the sheeple, alongside Shakespeare also comes the very toxic tenets of Westernization and Globalism: Multiculturalism, materialism, interracialism, individualism, consumerism, feminism, liberalism, atheism, anti-nationalism, anti-Christianity, junk foods, drug abuse, low quality Anglo-American-Afro pop culture, Holocaust worship and the promotion of pharmaceuticals, sexual perversions, homosexuality and GMOs. The aforementioned toxins travel very close behind the spread of the English language around the world.
The promotion of the Russian language inside Armenia is therefore of paramount strategic importance. Similar to how Israelis embrace the English language and American culture and relentlessly work to recruit Anglo-Americans into Israel's struggle in the Middle East, Armenians likewise need to embrace the Russian language and Russian culture and relentlessly work to recruit Russians into Armenia's struggle in the south Caucasus. The first and second official languages in Armenia need to be Armenian and Russian respectively. Those who worry about the status of the Armenian language in Armenia are allowing Cold War ghosts to muddle their thinking process. If Bolsheviks could not kill the Armenian language, and God knows they tried, Russian will never replace Armenian in Armenia. With that said, other languages that also need to be taught in Armenia are German, French, Persian, Arabic and Chinese. The English language should primarily be reserved for Armenia's diplomatic corps until a new Lingua Franca appears.
Armenians need to embark on an effort to increase intergovernmental and inter-societal exchanges between Yerevan and Moscow. We must become a permanent (positive) fixture within Russian society. Official Yerevan must establish a Russian studies department. Exchanges between Russian and Armenian institutions must take place regularly. Russian business tycoons, state officials, clergy, political activists, celebrities and representatives of political think tanks need to be invited to Armenia on a regular basis. Russia and Armenia have a convergence of interests today. This needs to be further cultivated in a concerted, organized effort. The alliance between our two nations needs to become institutionalized. We need to use our God given talents to figure out a way to turn Russia's core national interests into an extension of Armenian interests. As the following reveals, the foundation to do so currently exists -
Политика с Петром Толстым: https://www.facebook.com/1200137200000724/videos/1253032974711146/?fref=nf
прием по случаю Дня защитника Отечества: https://www.facebook.com/embassyru.am/videos/1135012863209416/?fref=nf
Союз наследников победы 2015. Армения: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bBbJq5p1DIk
Russia helping Armenia continue its military buildup: http://www.azatutyun.am/content/article/27513244.html
Russian Report: Nagorno-Karabakh and the 25 years of struggle for independence: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=olfi6MhQZd
4,500 Guests Attend Special Armenian Genocide Program in Kremlin Hall: http://armenianweekly.com/2016/03/02/harut-kremlin-hall/
As said: The
foundation to do so exists today because many prominent Armenians live
and work in the Russian Federation and Moscow's and Yerevan's political
interests converge
to a
great degree. Armenian
officials, business tycoons and activists therefore need to be a constant presence
within the walls of the Kremlin. While Armenia's increasingly powerful military is
without any doubt Armenia's TACTICAL advantage on the global chessboard,
Yerevan's alliance with Moscow must be cultivated to become
Armenia's STRATEGIC advantage on the global chessboard.
The fallout between Moscow and Ankara falls fully inline with Armenian interests. It's as if the geopolitical gods are watching over Armenia. But it's now up to Armenians to exploit the situation at hand. Armenians must become a presence in the Kremlin. Russians must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku continue being governed by Asiatic squatters with a pan-Turkic agenda. Moscow must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku have always been and will continue being exploited by their Anglo-American-Jewish masters. The Kremlin must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku will always be a hotbed of Islamic extremism. President Putin must be made to understand that as long as these Asiatic squatters remain at the helm in Ankara and Baku, Russia's vulnerable underbelly will continue being threatened by Western powers, pan-Turkic nationalists and Islamic extremists. For Moscow now, the Turk is no longer just a geopolitical competitor or a potential trade partner - but a vile enemy. Will Armenians have the political maturity and foresight to exploit this historic opportunity?
With deepening of cooperation between Armenia, Russia, Iran and China as well as Armenia's ascension to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, Armenia stands poised to become a major regional power - once the current, Western instigated chaos in the world subsides.
Comfortably on the very top of the global food-chain until recent years, Western powers today find themselves in a gradual decline and are increasingly growing desperate. This is ultimately the reason why they have sown unrest in eastern Europe, northern Africa and the Middle East. They are trying to destroy potential trouble spots and disrupt the growth of potential competitors. They are using all the levers at their disposal to undermine the growth of rising competition, starting with their most potent opponent, the Russian Federation. Their approach in solving their strategic problems is an old Latin term known as "ordo ab chao", and they seem to have found very willing partners in Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The global community thus faces an unholy marriage between Turkic and Wahhabi barbarism and Anglo-American-Jewish geopolitical interests. The following types of projects is essentially what Western powers fear and want to stop from progressing -
Needless to say, having enjoyed unchallenged global hegemony for nearly a quarter century, the Western elite has also developed a primal fear of "spheres of interest" (i.e. a multi-polar political world) -
However, by their political machinations, economic manipulations and military aggression around the world, what they are in fact doing is pushing nations like Russia, Armenia, Iran and China closer together -
Isn't this what Armenians were dreaming about? Now that we have this historic opportunity, will we exploit it or will we, as always, continue wasting our time pathetically begging Western war criminals to recognize a genocide that was perpetrated by none-other-than one of their most important allies?
The fallout between Moscow and Ankara falls fully inline with Armenian interests. It's as if the geopolitical gods are watching over Armenia. But it's now up to Armenians to exploit the situation at hand. Armenians must become a presence in the Kremlin. Russians must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku continue being governed by Asiatic squatters with a pan-Turkic agenda. Moscow must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku have always been and will continue being exploited by their Anglo-American-Jewish masters. The Kremlin must be made to understand that Ankara and Baku will always be a hotbed of Islamic extremism. President Putin must be made to understand that as long as these Asiatic squatters remain at the helm in Ankara and Baku, Russia's vulnerable underbelly will continue being threatened by Western powers, pan-Turkic nationalists and Islamic extremists. For Moscow now, the Turk is no longer just a geopolitical competitor or a potential trade partner - but a vile enemy. Will Armenians have the political maturity and foresight to exploit this historic opportunity?
With deepening of cooperation between Armenia, Russia, Iran and China as well as Armenia's ascension to the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, Armenia stands poised to become a major regional power - once the current, Western instigated chaos in the world subsides.
Comfortably on the very top of the global food-chain until recent years, Western powers today find themselves in a gradual decline and are increasingly growing desperate. This is ultimately the reason why they have sown unrest in eastern Europe, northern Africa and the Middle East. They are trying to destroy potential trouble spots and disrupt the growth of potential competitors. They are using all the levers at their disposal to undermine the growth of rising competition, starting with their most potent opponent, the Russian Federation. Their approach in solving their strategic problems is an old Latin term known as "ordo ab chao", and they seem to have found very willing partners in Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The global community thus faces an unholy marriage between Turkic and Wahhabi barbarism and Anglo-American-Jewish geopolitical interests. The following types of projects is essentially what Western powers fear and want to stop from progressing -
Russian expert: “Russia is interested in unblocking of Armenia”: http://rusarminfo.ru/russian-expert-russia-is-interested-in-unblocking-of-armenia/
The Birth of a Eurasian Century - By Pepe Escobar: https://ainhoaaristizabal.wordpress.com/2014/08/07/httpwp-mep2sum5-55q/
Russia Is Going To Pass A Law Formally Dumping The U.S. Dollar: http://rinf.com/alt-news/editorials/russia-is-going-to-pass-a-law-formally-dumping-the-u-s-dollar/
A New Financial System independent from Wall Street and City of London begins to take shape: http://www.globalresearch.ca/putin-flushes-the-us-dollar-russias-gold-ruble-payments-system-delinked-from-dollar/5375866
They are faced with growing competition around the world. The Anglo-American-Jewish political order may therefore be preparing Saudi Arabia and Turkey for a confrontation with Russi aand Iran. Getting the four regional powers to fight is fully in-line with their order through chaos approach to global affairs and it fully serves long-term Western interests as it keeps all sides embattled, preoccupied and constantly maneuvering against each other -The United States must resist a return to "spheres of interest" in the international system: http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/order-from-chaos/posts/2015/02/19-united-states-must-resist-return-to-spheres-of-interest-international-system-kagan
The Emperor’s Rage: Let Chaos Envelop the World!: http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-emperors-rage-let-chaos-envelop-the-world/5393817
US Spread Organized Chaos For Control Of Central Asia : http://yournewswire.com/us-spread-organized-chaos-for-control-of-central-asia/
‘Regime Change’ Strategy Spreads Chaos: https://consortiumnews.com/2015/09/11/regime-change-strategy-spreads-chaos/
Washington Post: War in Europe is not a hysterical idea: http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/anne-applebaum-war-in-europe-is-not-a-hysterical-idea/2014/08/29/815f29d4-2f93-11e4-bb9b-997ae96fad33_story.html
US Forcing Russia, China And Iran Into Eurasian Military Alliance: ttp://www.valuewalk.com/2015/05/us-forcing-russia-china-iran-military-alliance/
Joint Russian-Armenian Air Defense Shield to Cover Middle East: http://sputniknews.com/russia/20151112/1029958587/russia-armenia-air-defense-system.html
Armenia and Russia start being a formidable military alliance: http://www.pravdareport.com/news/russia/25-02-2016/133640-armenia-0/
Forbes: Putin's Newest Satellite State: http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2016/02/24/putins-newest-satellite-state/#4d1bc6c13549
Russia and China: Beware the Budding Eurasian Colossus?: http://www.nationalinterest.org/feature/russia-china-beware-the-budding-eurasian-colossus-14163
Ultimately, the West will fall under its weight. Ultimately, the East will not be defeated. Armenia stands poised today to become a major regional trade hub once the Western agenda for the region is defeated. All Yerevan needs to do at this point in time is to stand firm, be patient and come to terms with the recognition that Armenia's future is with Russia. Yerevan therefore needs to stop wasting time looking west and begin looking north - as well as south and east. Currently, we Armenians have very fertile ground
in the Kremlin to do some political sowing. It's time to begin promoting Armenian interests inside Moscow.
Isn't this what Armenians were dreaming about? Now that we have this historic opportunity, will we exploit it or will we, as always, continue wasting our time pathetically begging Western war criminals to recognize a genocide that was perpetrated by none-other-than one of their most important allies?
A
good lesson to be learned from the First World War is the importance
of having a powerful Russia that is under Slavic, Christian rule.
Russia's sociopolitical health should therefore be a concern not only for Russians
but also for Armenians because Armenia is destined to remain
within Russia's orbit
for well into the foreseeable future. Armenia simply does not have a
viable alternative to Russia. Similar to how Jews deeply involve
themselves in political affairs in the US, Armenians need to deeply
involve themselves in political affairs in Russia. Official Yerevan
needs to establish an academy of Russian
studies in Armenia. Official Yerevan must create professional links
with
prominent Russian officials and political think tanks. Armenians need to
become a
constant presence within the walls of the Kremlin.
While Armenians still exhibit a keen survival instinct, Armenians as a collective body are failing to turn this natural trait into organized political activism. Being pro-Russia or pro-Putin is not good enough. Russian-Armenians need to become better organized and politically active throughout the Russian Federation. The following poll results, however, reveal that we have thus far failed in promoting Armenian awareness inside the Russian Federation -
Survey: Armenia, Azerbaijan enjoy almost the same level of trust among Russians: http://www.armradio.am/en/2014/12/15/survey-armenia- azerbaijan-enjoy-almost-the- same-level-of-trust-among- russians/
We continue wasting time and resources in anti-Armenian viper's nests like Washington and
Brussels. The time has come to
take our pan-national political activism to Russia, a nation that hosts the largest Armenian
diaspora. And instead of
acting like a bunch of
worthless Arabs complaining about Jews doing this or that,
let's for once stop admiring Jews and start learning from them. For
example: Have our nation's "political elite" or representatives of our age-old Diasporan
organizations (primarily the big talking ones) ever thought about contacting the leadership of the
Russian-Armenian community to have meetings along the lines of something like this -
Netanyahu aide says Boston bombing, 9/11 are good for Israel: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aOsIuVq0Wdc
In
the video above we see an Israeli government representative preparing prominent American-Jews for political activism in the US. We
see this official cultivating a friendly political field in the US via
human assets in the US. What is the main point the official is trying to convey?
Namely that attacks against Americans by Muslims are beneficial for the
Jewish state for it helps Americans identify more closely with Jews. What the official is doing is a professionally executed political exploitation.
How do we Armenians compare?
How do we Armenians compare?
When a murder committed by an Azeri in Moscow couple of years ago set-off major riots by Russian nationalists or when Turkey shot-down the Russian warplane over Syria more recently, did Armenians try to take advantage of the situation at hand by organizing meetings with Russian officials or civic organizations in the Russian Federation to discuss the "growing threat of Muslims, Tatars, Turks or Azeris to Russian society"? As far as I could tell, no. Did we Armenians try to take advantage of the situation at hand by organizing meetings with prominent Russian-Armenians and ask them to exploit the situation via their professional positions within the Russian Federation? As far as I could tell, no. From what I recall, most of our imbeciles in Armenia and in the Diaspora have instead been complaining about "Russian racism" and "Russian xenophobia"... thereby siding with Muslims, Tatars, Turks and Azeris. From what I recall, Armenians were burning Russian flags because of what a single Russian criminal had done in Armenia.
I say again: Instead of envying or fearing Jews, let's learn from what they have managed to accomplish in the US and in western Europe. We need to closely engage Russians. We need to closely engage Russian-Armenians. Unlike the desolate wasteland known as the American-Armenian Diaspora we Armenians have the fortune of having a lot of prominent Armenians throughout the Russian Federation to work with. In fact, unlike in the US where the nation's upper crust has traditionally been reserved primarily only for WASPs and more recently for Jews, prominent Armenians in Russia are found in virtually every layer of Russian society. The following is only a partial list of prominent Russian Armenians:
Sergei Lavrov (Foreign Minister of Russia)
Artur Chilingarov (Duma spokesman, Scientist, Hero of Russia)
Sergey Avakyants (commander of Russia's Pacific Fleet)
Margarita Simonyan (director of Russia Today, married to film director Tigran Keosayan)
Tigran Keosayan (film director, actor, writer, married to Russia Today director Margaret Simonyan)
Michael Pogosian (director of Russia's United Aircraft Industry)
Andranik Migranyan (PhD, political scientist, author, professor, director of Institute of Democracy and Cooperation)
Armen Oganesyan (CEO of Voice of Russia radio broadcasts)
Ashot Eghiazaryan (Russian State Duma member)
Karen Shakhnazarov (CEO of Mosfilm, Russia's largest studio)
Karen Karapetyan (vice President at Gazprom)
Albert Avdolyan (telecommunications tycoon)
Sergey Galitsky (billionaire owner of Magnit)
Karen Brutents (author, historian, Communist Party Central Committee member, senior KGB operative)
Ruben Vardanyan (billionaore former CEO of Troika Dialog Group)
Ruben Aganbegyan (millionaire owner Renaissance Capital Micex)
Danil Khachaturov (billionaire chairman of RosGosStrakh)
Sergey Khachaturov (billionaire, brother of Danil Khachaturov)
Oleg Mkrtchyan (billionaire industrialist, football kingpin)
Gennady Melikiyan (deputy chairman of Bank of Russia)
Samvel Karapetyan (billionaire owner of Tashir group)
Sergey Sarkisov (billionaire owner of RESO-Garantia insurance company)
Nikolay Sarkisov (billionaire commodities trader, brother of Sergey Sarkisov)
Gagik Gevorkyan (president of Estet Jewelry House and new head of the prestigious Russian Jewelers Guild)
Tigran Khudaverdyan (CEO of Yandex)
Artur Janibekyan (television producer and head of Russia's most successful Comedy Club)
Ara Abrahamyan (billionaire businessman, president of the Union of Armenians in Russia)
Turks
and Azeris have been relentlessly lobbying Russian officials for many
years. Ironically, amazingly, Armenia, the nation that is desperately dependent on Russia for
survival is the one not engaging in any form of organized lobbying efforts in Russia. This has to change. In
the following two television interviews we see Chairman of Union of
Armenians in Russia Ara Abrahamyan and former Armenian National Security
Council Secretary Arthur Baghdasaryan raising the alarm about the lack
of Armenian lobbying efforts inside Moscow and the inability of Armenia
today to efficiently exploit its strategic relationship with Russia -
Ara Abrahamyan (watch from 18:25): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rpf0iLdCJmU&feature= youtube_gdata_player
Արթուր Բաղդասարյան (watch from 48:30): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GARDQ9WCcko
This
is a serious strategic problem for Armenia. We can't keep sitting back
and hoping for bad relations to develop between Moscow and Baku or between Moscow
and Ankara. We need to be proactive and initiate better relations with Moscow. Instead of blindly chasing genocide recognition or Western money, we need to embark on a concerted, pan-national effort to
convince Moscow that a bigger and stronger Armenia is in
their best geostrategic interests. Armenians need to convince Moscow that a bigger and stronger Armenia is a natural bulwark against Turks and Islamists.
Deeper Russian-Armenian relations is Armenia's only security guarantee
On-going
hostilities along Armenia's border with Azerbaijan keeps reminding us
all of the constant threat Armenia continues to face from Azerbaijan. The historic carnage in Syria has reminded us all of threat Armenia continues to face from NATO member Turkey. But recent news about Georgia's Pankisi Gorge
was an unpleasant reminder to us all that Armenia continues to face
serious threats from its north as well. Unfortunately, we all realize
that Armenia faces a Turkic and Islamic threat on its eastern, western and southern borders. But
not many of us know that all of the Caucasus, and by extension Armenia,
came very close to being overrun by Turks and Islamists during the
1990s.
It is now well known that the Islamic insurgency in Chechnya (according to many experts an Al-Qaeda operation) and the color revolution in Georgia in 2005 had
been an integral part of a Western plan to wrestle the strategic Caucasus away from Russian control and place it under
what some experts refer to as an Islamic Caliphate. The plan was put
into effect in the 1990s when Russia was in chaos. A steady stream of
Islamic militants trained in Pakistan and Afghanistan were the active
participants in this Western-backed agenda and its funding and
organization was carried-out by a consortium of special
interests located in Riyadh, Ankara, Washington and London and most
probably Tel Aviv.
It is also now well known that Western intelligence agencies also
conspired with Islamic extremists to force Russia out of the Balkans.
As it has been since the early 1980s, when Western powers first began
utilizing radical Islam as a political weapon against Soviet interests,
Sunni Islamic extremists has been the
readily accessible tool Western powers have exploited to carryout
geostrategic agendas in various theaters of operation essentially
against Russian (and Iranian) interests throughout Eurasia.
Why should this seemingly Russian problem concern us Armenians?
Armenians in general, Diasporan Armenians in particular, seem to be having a hard time accepting the fact that a weakened Russia in the Caucasus poses an existential threat for Armenia. Armenians in general, Diasporan Armenians in particular, seem to be having a hard time accepting the fact that without Russia, the the entire Caucasus region would be overrun by Turks and Islamists. The heavily Turkic and Islamic cultural/ethnic makeup of the region in question would not tolerate a non-aligned, a non-Turkic or a non-Islamic power in their midst - without a major outside power acting as a guarantor or as a counter weight. The Russian presence in the Caucasus has been the only counter-influence I am referring to in the region for the past two hundred years. And it is precisely because of this geopolitical reality in the Caucasus that we Armenians have been able to maintain nation-state in the region.
Why should this seemingly Russian problem concern us Armenians?
Armenians in general, Diasporan Armenians in particular, seem to be having a hard time accepting the fact that a weakened Russia in the Caucasus poses an existential threat for Armenia. Armenians in general, Diasporan Armenians in particular, seem to be having a hard time accepting the fact that without Russia, the the entire Caucasus region would be overrun by Turks and Islamists. The heavily Turkic and Islamic cultural/ethnic makeup of the region in question would not tolerate a non-aligned, a non-Turkic or a non-Islamic power in their midst - without a major outside power acting as a guarantor or as a counter weight. The Russian presence in the Caucasus has been the only counter-influence I am referring to in the region for the past two hundred years. And it is precisely because of this geopolitical reality in the Caucasus that we Armenians have been able to maintain nation-state in the region.
Nevertheless, it is quite frightening that unbeknownst to most Armenians (because our collective attention has naturally been drawn to Armenia's east-west geopolitical plain), the Caucasus was actually on the verge of a radical Islamic/Turkic transformation throughout much of the 1990s. Had the northern Caucasus fallen victim to this Western/Turkic/Islamic agenda, it would have been the southern Caucasus' turn not much long thereafter. The news from Pankisi Gorge therefore reminds us that the Islamic threat in the Caucasus has not disappeared; it also reminds us that Georgia continues to be a serious obstacle to peace and stability in the region. The key to a peaceful and prosperous Caucasus is pax Russica. The only way to achieve pax Russica is to bring Tbilisi fully into the Russian orbit.
As
we can see, Armenia faces serious threats from its west, east and
north. Due to Islamic Iran's large Turkish speaking population,
Armenia's southern border also has the potential to become a problem. As
we can see, Armenia is a fortress, a fortress made only impregnable due
to its alliance with Russia.
Despite
their economic blockade of a tiny, remote, landlocked and impoverished
Armenian nation - as well as their periodic threats to finish-off what
they
couldn't during the First
World War - Armenia's stature in the south Caucasus is increasing with
each passing year largely thanks to Armenia's strategic alliance with
the Russian Federation. Turks and Westerners know this well. They know
that Armenia is untouchable due to the Russian presence in the country.
This is why they have been trying to convince us Armenians
(well, at least the idiots in our midst) that
Turks and Armenians can live side-by-side once again... if it only wasn't for them Russkies! When
it comes to Armenia, there is nothing that would please Western powers
and Turks more than driving a permanent wedge between Yerevan and
Moscow. This is
the geostrategic agenda Turks and Westerners
have been working on in Armenia as well as in the Armenian Diaspora for decades.
While Western officials keep our Democracy Now(!) idiots
preoccupied with silly things like "gay rights", "civil society" and
"free elections", keeping Armenia politically isolated and economically
stagnant has been their ultimate goal. Therefore, it would be wise to
look past the lofty rhetoric of Washingtonian street whores in Armenia and realize that their goal is to pull Armenia out of the Russian orbit. In short: As Stratfor's George Friedman candidly put it: "Russian presence in Armenia is bad for Turkey". As "Barcin Yinanc" slyly advises Armenians: "Focus on Russia rather than Turkey!"
Get the picture?
Amazingly, many Armenians are not getting it.
Listening closely to Armenia's Western-led political opposition, one immediately recognizes the above mentioned Turco-Western agenda in their rhetoric. Keep this in mind next time you happen to come across speeches from Armenia's so-called political opposition activists.
Although Armenians of Armenia remain firmly pro-Russian for the most part, the venomous anti-Putin protests we saw during the Russian president's visit to Armenia two years ago may be a troubling sign that the Turco-Western agenda to sow Russophobia within Armenian society is working to a discernible degree. I'd like to remind the reader once again that many Armenians already blame Russians for the genocide, and Armenia's most beloved "nationalist leader" Paruyr Hayrikian and his politically, zombie followers are convinced that "Russians are worst than Turks". The same could also be said about the followers of an mentally ill extremist called Jirayr Sefilian and the American agent known as Raffi Hovanissian. Despite the fact that Russia is a critical lifeline to Armenia, Western interests inside Armenian society have managed to sow a significant degree of Russophobia.
Get the picture?
Amazingly, many Armenians are not getting it.
Listening closely to Armenia's Western-led political opposition, one immediately recognizes the above mentioned Turco-Western agenda in their rhetoric. Keep this in mind next time you happen to come across speeches from Armenia's so-called political opposition activists.
Although Armenians of Armenia remain firmly pro-Russian for the most part, the venomous anti-Putin protests we saw during the Russian president's visit to Armenia two years ago may be a troubling sign that the Turco-Western agenda to sow Russophobia within Armenian society is working to a discernible degree. I'd like to remind the reader once again that many Armenians already blame Russians for the genocide, and Armenia's most beloved "nationalist leader" Paruyr Hayrikian and his politically, zombie followers are convinced that "Russians are worst than Turks". The same could also be said about the followers of an mentally ill extremist called Jirayr Sefilian and the American agent known as Raffi Hovanissian. Despite the fact that Russia is a critical lifeline to Armenia, Western interests inside Armenian society have managed to sow a significant degree of Russophobia.
It
should be added that Yerevan's "complimentary politics" nonsense of the
past twenty-plus years has allowed the seeding of Armenia with
globalist/Western values. Consequently, although Russia remains the only
factor in the world keeping Armenia alive in a terrible neighborhood,
Armenians today seem more interested in learning English and seeking
Western goods. Although Armenians remain for the most part pro-Russian,
the post-Soviet generation (essentially those raised on American pop
culture) are more prone to doubting or underestimating Russia's
importance to Armenia. If Russophobia, yet fledgling, goes
mainstream in Armenia, it will no doubt kill the country.
Therefore, political activists that push a
Western agenda inside Armenian society today are ultimately working against the Armenian state
whether they realize it or not.
We truly live in a world turned upside-down where a little bit of Western financing goes a long way to deforming reality. Consequently, we have today an army of mentally disturbed individuals,
pseudo-historians, mercenary journalists and outright traitors roaming
about Armenian society trying to convince ever gullible Armenians that
Russia is in reality an enemy of Armenia. The following are some
outrageous examples -
Rafael Hambartsumyan: "Turkey and Russia Equally Guilty of Armenian Genocide": http://www.panarmenian.net/ eng/society/news/17494/
Haykak Arshamyan: Russophilia Hinders Us: http://www.lragir.am/index/ eng/0/interview/view/23126
Hakob Badalyan: Tricolor Under Russian Boot: http://www.lragir.am/index/ eng/0/comments/view/23413
Paruyr Hayrikyan: Russian imperialism fighting against Armenian self-determination: http://lurer.com/?p=74000& l=en
Richard Giragosian: Armenia can't count on Russia any more: http://www.aljazeera.com/ indepth/opinion/2015/01/ armenia-can-count-russia-any- mo-201511852934497678.html
Raffi Hovannisian: Russian Power, Armenian Sovereignty, and a Region at Risk: http://www. foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/ 08/13/russian-power-armenian- sovereignty-and-a-region-at- risk/
Armine Sahakyan: Russia using soft power even with its toy poodle Armenia: http://www.kyivpost.com/article/opinion/op-ed/armine-sahakyan-russia-using-soft-power-even-with-its-toy-poodle-armenia-405781.html
David Boyajian: Sleeping with Our Enemy: Russia Sells Weapons to Azerbaijan: http://hetq.am/eng/news/58661/sleeping-with-our-enemy-russia-sells-weapons-to-azerbaijan.html
Լեւոն Շիրինյան: Թուրքիան կործանումից միշտ փրկել է ռուսը: https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=0QSbWnRmBBA
We
can't continue making the tragic mistakes of our foolish and
self-destructive forefathers. Armenians need to sober up and realize
that without a
strong Russian presence in the south Caucasus there simply won't be an Armenian
presence in the south Caucasus. We must recognize that while our
military is our country's tactical advantage in the south Caucasus, our
alliance with the Russian Federation must be utilized as our strategic
advantage on the global stage. Armenian lobbyists, activists,
politicians, businessmen and military leaders must therefore be a
constant
presence within the walls of the Kremlin. We
need to deepen our alliance with the Russian Bear, especially at a time
like this when the greater region is
on the verge of exploding.
Our "patriotic" lunatics and money-grubbing politicians with a Western fetish somehow must be made to understand all this.
Speaking of our "patriots": It's high time for the Armenian house cat to stop seeing a wild lion when looking in
the mirror. In other words: We Armenians
would do well to put aside our empty bravado and come to the sobering
realization that Armenia exists today merely due to Yerevan's close ties with the Russian Bear and nothing else. Armenians should also realize that Russia's 102nd base
in Armenia is Armenia's only deterrence against Turkey's massive military. If Armenia
has not suffered the fate of Cyprus, Serbia, Georgia, Iraq, Libya,
Syria, Yemen or the Ukraine,
it's not because of Armenia's tiny military or its big talking, under performing Diaspora -
it's because of the Russian military presence in Armenia. Armenia is untouchable by regional
predators today because
of the Russian factor. Unfortunately, however, due to
twenty-plus years of Western propaganda, a growing number of Armenians today
are
either too arrogant or too politically illiterate to realize any of this. In this dog-eat-dog
world we Armenians need to be very grateful that we have a very
powerful ally like the Russian Federation. We must be very
grateful that a neighboring superpower like Russia is sincerely interested in
Armenia's survival as a nation-state in a very hostile and unforgiving
environment. Russia and to a lesser extent Iran is where Armenia plays an important geopolitical role. This is the axis Yerevan needs to have the foresight and courage to strengthen.
Recent developments in Armenia's greater neighborhood should
again be reminding us Armenians of the cruel and unforgiving nature of
the region in which Armenia is unfortunately located. We Armenians
should also be reminded that the obsessive pursuit of Western fairytales is a dangerous red-herring for there are
many more important tasks that our underdeveloped and inexperienced
nation needs to take on before it can afford to play around with such
nonsense. Recent years should also have shown us that Western
institutions such as the IMF, World Bank, USAID and NED are grave threats for
politically inexperienced, underdeveloped and/or economically vulnerable
nations like Armenia.
Armenians need to finally understand that the ultimate goal of Western powers continues to be either
the strangling of Armenia economically (through their NATO member's blockade) or severing Armenia from Russia (through their political
activists inside Armenia). It's
actually amazing how little Armenians understand the dangers Western powers, the US in particular, poses to
Armenia.
Since the 1990s, the US has been supporting various Islamic insurgencies throughout the greater region where Armenia is located, including today in Syria. The US has been aggressively pursuing anti-Russian and anti-Iranian policies for decades. The US has been unconditionally supporting Ankara since the Second World War and has tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Turkey. US-funded NGOs and their activists in Armenia constantly meddle in the internal affairs of the fledgling republic by exploiting the nation's growing pains. It's therefore easy to conclude that the political West is the single most-dangerous political entity Armenia faces today because friends and allies of the US (Turkey, Israel, and the Wahhabi Islamists) are Armenia's enemies. Without US support, Turkey would not dare act against Armenian interests. Beside lip-service, all the US has done for Armenia is to saturate the country with toxic "values"; plant Western operatives in the country; and line government officials' pockets with bribe money disguised as loans and/or financial aid. Armenians need to wake up from their deep sleep and realize that US actions in the Middle East, Eastern Europe and the Caucasus have directly and indirectly been very detrimental to the health and well being of Armenia. In fact, had the US been successful in its policies against Russia, Iran and Syria, Armenia would have once again disappeared from the map.
After all, let's recognize that the main reason why Western powers are interested in the south Caucasus in the first place, is their desire to exploit Central Asian energy and contain Moscow and Tehran. It could therefore be said that the West's ultimate goal is to either destroy Armenia or place it under the mercy of their regional Turkic and Islamic allies.
How many Armenians today actually aware of all this?
Since the 1990s, the US has been supporting various Islamic insurgencies throughout the greater region where Armenia is located, including today in Syria. The US has been aggressively pursuing anti-Russian and anti-Iranian policies for decades. The US has been unconditionally supporting Ankara since the Second World War and has tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Turkey. US-funded NGOs and their activists in Armenia constantly meddle in the internal affairs of the fledgling republic by exploiting the nation's growing pains. It's therefore easy to conclude that the political West is the single most-dangerous political entity Armenia faces today because friends and allies of the US (Turkey, Israel, and the Wahhabi Islamists) are Armenia's enemies. Without US support, Turkey would not dare act against Armenian interests. Beside lip-service, all the US has done for Armenia is to saturate the country with toxic "values"; plant Western operatives in the country; and line government officials' pockets with bribe money disguised as loans and/or financial aid. Armenians need to wake up from their deep sleep and realize that US actions in the Middle East, Eastern Europe and the Caucasus have directly and indirectly been very detrimental to the health and well being of Armenia. In fact, had the US been successful in its policies against Russia, Iran and Syria, Armenia would have once again disappeared from the map.
After all, let's recognize that the main reason why Western powers are interested in the south Caucasus in the first place, is their desire to exploit Central Asian energy and contain Moscow and Tehran. It could therefore be said that the West's ultimate goal is to either destroy Armenia or place it under the mercy of their regional Turkic and Islamic allies.
How many Armenians today actually aware of all this?
Convincing Moscow
Although Armenia is on the right path now that it has joined the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, too many Armenians continue living only for today. There is no strategic vision among Armenia. The Diaspora is busy pursuing genocide recognition, Armenians in Armenia are busy pursuing Western fairytales. We need to begin treating Armenia as we would a delicate seed full of potential. This seed first needs to be carefully sown and then it needs to be given a lot nurturing and time in order for it to grow and blossom. Armenia, as it currently exists, is not going to big places going ultimately because the seed is not on fertile ground. Even with the best of domestic circumstances, even if our despised oligarchs turn into lovable angels overnight, Armenia will continue to remain embattled simply due to its geographic location and its less-than friendly neighbors.
Let's recognize that Moscow is the alpha and the omega of the Caucasus region. Let's also come to the realization that the keys to Western Armenia are found in the deepest, most secretive offices of the Kremlin. Let's finally understand that Moscow is where Armenians need to gather lobby Armenian interests.
If done right, Kremlin officials will listen. Armenia's presence in the Caucasus has for centuries been protecting Russia's vulnerable southern regions. Armenians have been an effective hedge against Muslims. Since Czarist times high officials in Russia have fully understood this. It is up to us Armenians now to effectively exploit this. The geostrategic significance of Armenia is as important for Russian officials today as it was for Czarist officials, if not more. In a region that suffers from powerful Turkic and Islamic influences, Armenia's political independence and its close alliance with Moscow will be zealously protected by Russian officials for the foreseeable future. As a result, there exists a receptive political culture in the Kremlin for Armenians to tap into today. Simply put: Armenia needs to expand if Armenia is to have a bright future and to do so, Armenians need to convince Moscow.
Armenian lobbying efforts need to concentrate on convincing Russian officials that the only way to pacify the troublesome Caucasus is to strengthen Armenia economically, militarily and territorially. At the very least, Moscow must be convinced that Armenia needs to be given the opportunity to establish a direct link to the Black Sea via Turkey or Georgia or establish a common border with the Russian Federation through Georgia or Azerbaijan. Russian officials must be made to understand that, geostrategically speaking, a stronger and a larger Armenia means a stronger and more secure Russia. A powerful Armenia is the only effective way to solve the Caucasus region's many pressing problems - including but not limited to Islamic insurgency, pan-Turkism and Western expansionism. In the meanwhile, Armenians need to stop chasing their tails with nonsense such as "Democracy" and "Civil Society" and finally recognize that Armenia's expansion to the Black Sea or to the borders of the Russian Federation should be the one and only long-term strategic agenda for the Armenian nation. Ultimately, Armenia needs to breakout of its mountain prison.
Despite the wild fantasies of Washington's "Democracy Now(!)" activists in Yerevan, Armenians must be made to understand that Armenia's main problem today is not its lack of "Democracy" or the absence of "fair elections". Rather, Armenia's primary problems today are geopolitical and geographical in nature. Being that Armenia is small, poor, landlocked, remote and surrounded by hostile nations in a volatile political environment, we must recognize that there are essentially three ways we can cure Armenia's serious aliments -
1) Physically move Armenia and place it next to a nation like Switzerland
2) Pray that Moscow establishes Pax Russica in the
Caucasus
3) Extend Armenia's borders to the Black Sea and/or to
Russia
Number one is a wild dream. Number two may be the most practical. But number three would be the most ideal. Obtaining a direct access to the Black Sea and/or establishing a common border with the Russian Federation should be the single most important agenda for officials in Armenia and for the Armenian Diaspora. In fact, such an agenda needs to be a pan-national pursuit and something that should somehow be incorporated into the Hay Dat. If we want Armenia to prosper - and to finally be taken seriously by international bodies - Armenians simply need to figure out a way of providing our small, impoverished, landlocked and remote nation in the volatile Caucasus with an opportunity to breakout of its geographic predicament. As long as Armenia remains in its current situation, it will continue begging at the feet of the great powers. Simply put, Armenia needs to break out of its current geographical predicament. Armenia needs common borders with the Russian Federation. When Armenians finally put aside their victim mentalities and stop looking at the political West for any kind of assistance, they may finally come to the realization that for Armenia to truly prosper it must gradually begin formulating a long-term expansionist policy in the Caucasus. It would be naive us to think Russians would never allow such a thing. Have we tried it to know what Russians will or will not allow?
"I hope Armenia and Russia will some day have a common border"
The above comment was made by a Russian official in Yerevan several years ago. The official in question, who happens to be of Armenian decent, also called for another Russian military base in Armenia at the time. The following is my commentary at the time -
Armenia, Russia must have common border: http://theriseofrussia.blogspot.com/2010/11/since-medvedevs-historic-visit-to.html
I
don't know about
another Russian base in Armenia (although it wouldn't hurt), but Armenia having a
border with the Russian Federation is certainly very desirable. I can only hope that a contingency plan to this effect is
being worked on by Moscow and Yerevan.
I can only hope that Armenian officials are doing their best to
convince their Russian counterparts that establishing a land connection
to Armenia is in Russia's best, long term interests. I can only hope
that Armenian officials are doing their best to convince their Russian
counterparts that having direct access to Armenia will level the playing
field in the south Caucasus and give Moscow direct control over all
three republics.
It is no secret that we Armenians are a very intelligent and talented people but our intelligence and talents are almost always misplaced and/or misused. We need to learn to apply our intelligence and talents to the strategic benefit of the Armenian state.
Had we Armenians been politically sophisticated we would have at least temporarily shelved our Western Armenia urges for a while and began thinking about extending Armenia's borders towards Russia via Azerbaijan or towards the Black Sea via Georgia. Those who still dream about liberating Western Armenia need to realize that the keys to Western Armenia lies in Moscow (and to a lesser extent in Tehran). Eastern Armenia must first be strengthened before we think about Western Armenia. In the meanwhile, Armenians who look forward to Western Armenia's liberation should stop placing hope in some worthless piece of paper being waved around by worthless Western-funded activists like Ara Papyan.
Armenians must place emphasis on lobbying Kremlin officials. If done right, they will listen. Armenia's presence in the Caucasus has for centuries been protecting Russia's vulnerable southern regions. Armenians have been an effective hedge against Muslims and Turks. Since Czarist times high level officials in Russia have fully understood this. The geostrategic significance of Armenia is as important for Russian officials today as it was for Czarist officials, if not more so. It is up to us Armenians now to effectively exploit this convergence of geostrategic interests between Russia and Armenia. In a region that suffers from powerful Turkic and Islamic influences, Armenia's political independence and its close alliance with Moscow will be zealously protected by Russian officials for the foreseeable future. As a result, there exists a receptive political culture in the Kremlin for Armenians to tap into. Armenians therefore need to be a constant presence within the walls of the Kremlin. While Armenia's military is without doubt its tactical advantage, Armenia's alliance with Russia must be made its strategic advantage.
Therefore, the
most important thing for Armenians today is to embark on a
long-term,
multi-pronged, pan-national campaign to convince high ranking Russian (as well as Iranian officials) that a larger and more powerful Armenia on
their
borders is much more desirable than the existing state-of-affairs in the
south Caucasus. Armenians need to convince Kremlin officials, in
particular, that having Armenia as a neighbor is in their best, long-term national interests. Behind
closed doors, the following talking points are more-or-less what
Armenian officials and political activists from around the world should be communicating to
their Russian counterparts -
1) The way to therefore pacify the strategic Caucasus is to establish a common border with Armenia through Georgia and/or Azerbaijan.
2) The way to effectively contain Turkey and curb the expansion of Islam on Russia's southern periphery is to help Armenia expand into its historic territories currently occupied by Ankara.
3) A powerful Armenia that is connected to and dependent on the Russian Federation is the only effective way to solve the region's many pressing problems - including but not limited to Islamic insurgency, pan-Turkism and Western expansionism.
Dissecting
the south Caucasus in such a manner would immediately drive the last
nail in the coffin for Western interests in the region. Such a scenario
would turn unreliable Georgia and Azerbaijan into hapless hostages
to Moscow. Such a scenario would be a major blow to the Islamic
insurgency in the north Caucasus. Such a scenario would also preempt
any future inroads in the region by Turkey or by other Islamist entities. By allowing Yerevan to establish common borders with the
Russian Federation, Moscow would immediately create a more effective
balance-of-power in the volatile region where besides Russia there are
four other major influences: Western, Turkish, Iranian and Islamic. Moreover,
by establishing a reliable trade route to Iran via Armenia, Moscow can
more effectively implement major regional economic projects.
If Ankara, Tbilisi or Baku want to get adventurous. If Ankara, Tbilisi or Baku try to upset the prevailing status-quo in the region. If Ankara, Tbilisi or Baku continue being troublesome in the region - why not allow the establishment of common borders between Armenia and Russia?; why not allow Armenians to reclaim Western Armenia?
A detailed plan to realize the above should be worked on and it should be at the ready as a contingency plan. I repeat: There are no other solutions to Armenia's core problems. Sooner or later, Armenia needs to expand. I'm not a dreamer. Therefore, I fully realize the complexities of such a suggestion. I also recognize that such a thing is wrought with serious risks for a small, vulnerable nation like Armenia. However, the point is that if we want our homeland to free itself of its severe socioeconomic and sociopolitical ailments and turn into a powerful state that Armenians will be proud of and would want to live in, Armenia's expansion to the Black Sea and/or to Russia is a historic necessity that we as a nation must collectively embark upon. This is a crucially important national project we Armenians must adopt and hard-wire into our thinking. However, there is a catch.
In order to convince Russian officials that a larger, more powerful Armenia will be in Moscow's long-term, strategic interests, Armenian officials must first cleanse Armenia of all its Western agents, Russophobes and it must refrain from playing footsie with Washington and/or Brussels. One of the reasons why Moscow has been somewhat nervous with its dealing with Yerevan is the ominous fact that Armenia's political landscape today is quite utterly infested by Western agents and Russophobes.
Armenia's Western-led political opposition represents a significant portion of Armenian society in and out of Armenia. Realizing that Armenia is saturated by Western operatives and that the typical Armenian today would sell his mother for an American Greencard, Russian officials would not want to see a larger, more powerful Armenia because of fears that Moscow may lose its control over Yerevan. Therefore, Kremlin officials have sought to contain all nations in the region, including their only ally, Armenia. While they have surely ensured Armenia's survival in the south Caucasus, they have nonetheless implemented a policy in the region that keeps all sides weak and in perpetual conflict. Simply put, while it treats Armenia as a strategic partner, at the same time Moscow fears that Armenia is vulnerable to Washington's political machinations and has therefore placed Yerevan on a very short leash. As a fundamental first step in alleviating the Kremlin's justified concerns and suspicions with regards to the political maturity of Armenians today, I am calling for a thorough purging of Armenia's dangerous Western operatives. We know who they are.
In conclusion: We Armenians need to develop strategic foresight. We Armenians need to better understand the harsh realities of the political world we live in. We Armenians need to better understand the importance of deepening Armenia's ties to Russia. We Armenians need to place more emphasis on the heroic aspects of our vastly rich national history. We Armenians need to better understand our national history. We Armenians need to better understand ourselves.
Most Armenians today (which includes our government officials) seem satisfied with Armenia being a remote, desolate mountain prison... Most Armenians today seem content merely with pursuing genocide recognition in Western countries... Most Armenians today seem convinced that Armenia's sociopolitical and socioeconomic problems can be fixed through "Democracy". The past one thousand years have conditioned/bred Armenians to master survival skills in a very tough and unforgiving neighborhood. But our acquired skills comes at the cost of not having much if any strategic vision and political foresight. Armenians today lack long-term planning. Armenians live for today. The execution of Armenian politics today is therefore reactionary in nature (i.e. reacting to prevailing circumstances around Armenia). This has to change. In time, and some social engineering, this will change.
It's high time we collectively strengthened the Armenian homeland instead of undermining it in our pursuit of outlandish Western fantasies. Let us therefore put aside our Washingtonian wet dreams, EUrotic fantasies and self-pity and arrogance and Disporan mentalities and let's properly salute the heroic participants of the Russo-Armenian army at the Battle of Sarikamish - an epic battle where brave Armenian warriors from the Caucasus together with their Christian Orthodox Slavic brethren from the north brought the mighty Ottoman army to its knees and in doing so liberated Western Armenia.
The reader may be interested to know that the Battle of Sarikamish has been turned into somewhat of a solemn holiday in Turkey in recent years. Every year, the Turkish military solemnly commemorates the historic event that took place between December 1914 and January 1915. Therefore, in my humble opinion, I think it would be very appropriate, I would even say polite, to wish all Turks a very Happy Sarikamish! Let's hope that the blessed memory of all those Armenians and Russians that gave their lives for the liberation of Western Armenia may inspire a new generation of brave warriors. And let's collectively pray that Sarikamish II - of course without the first one's Bolshevik ending - is not too far down the Anatolian road.
Arevordi
January, 2016
The Battle of Sarikamish
Russian-Armenian trenches in the forests of Sarikamish
***
The Battle of Sarikamish
Russian-Armenian trenches in the forests of SarikamishRussia viewed the Caucasus Front as secondary to the Eastern Front. Eastern Front had the Russian manpower and resources. Russia had taken the fortress of Kars from the Turks during the Russo-Turkish War in 1877 and feared a campaign into the Caucasus, a Caucasus Campaign, aimed at retaking Kars and the port of Batum. The Ottoman generalship and organization were negligible compared to the Allies. A Caucasus Campaign would have a distracting effect on Russian forces. The plan found sympathy with German advisory that a success in this region would mean a diversion of Russian forces to this front from the Polish and Galician fronts. Germany supplied the missing resources and the Ottoman 3rd Army's manpower was used to achieve the desired distraction. Strategic goal of the Caucasus Campaign was set to retake Artvin, Ardahan, along Kars, and the port of Batum. For a longer term goal, Enver hoped a success would facilitate opening the route to Tbilisi and beyond with a revolt of Caucasian Muslims. The Turkish — or rather German — strategic goal was to cut off Russian access to the hydrocarbon resources around the Caspian Sea.
The long term goal made British vary. The Anglo-Persian Oil Company was in the proposed path which had the exclusive rights to work petroleum deposits throughout the Persian Empire except in the provinces of Azerbaijan, Ghilan, Mazendaran, Asdrabad and Khorasan. In 1914, before the war, the British government had contracted with the company for the supply of oil-fuel for the navy. The headquarters of the 3rd Army was located in Erzurum under the command of Hasan İzzet Pasha. On October 30, 1914, the 3rd Army headquarters was informed by High Command in Istanbul about an exchange of fire during the pursuit of Goeben and Breslau in the Black Sea. High Command expected the Russian Army to cross the Ottoman border at any time. The Bergmann Offensive (November 2, 1914 - November 16, 1914) ended with the defeat of Russian troops under the command of Bergmann. The Russian success was along the southern shoulders of the offense where Armenian volunteers visible (effective) and taken Karaköse and Doğubeyazıt Hasan İzzet Pasha managed to stabilize the front by letting the Russians 25 kilometers inside the Ottoman Empire along the Erzurum-Sarikamish axis.
The war minister, Enver Pasha, devised an operation plan while he was at the Department of War in Istanbul. His strategy based on German principles copied from Napoleon. Enver's plan involved a single envelopment using three Corps. On the right flank, XI Corps would fix the Russians in place and conduct feint attacks. In the center, IX Corps would fight in the direction of Sarikamish Pass. Hafız Hakkı’s X Corps, which was to be on the left flank, would drive to Oltu, cross the Allahüekber Mountains, cut the Kars road and drive the Russians to the Aras Valley, where the Russian forces would be destroyed by all three Corps attacking in total harmony. Meanwhile a detachment unit under Stange Bey would conduct highly visible operations to distract and pin Russian units. The success depended on these troops arriving at their specified objectives at the correct moment. The Russians fulfilled the first part of this strategy with the Bergmann Offensive by Russian forces concentrating at Sarikamish and Köprüköy.
Photo said to be of the 4th battalion of the Armenian volunteers engaged at strategic Barduz Pass
Hasan İzzet Pasha was not in favor of an offensive action in the harsh winter conditions. He was planning to remain in defense. He wanted to pull the Russians to the Erzurum Fortress and launch a counter attack at the right time. Assistant Chief of Staff Colonel Hafız Hakkı Bey was sent to replace the commander of X Corps Ziya Pasha to energize the 3rd Army. After initial exchanges with Hafız Hakkı, on December 18, Hasan İzzet, whose release from the command was signed on December 14 by Enver, told to Enver: “We have to consider 8 or 9 days for a large scaled encircling manoeuvre. However, during this time the XI Corps, which will remain at the front, might be jeopardized. Even if we execute the manoeuvre with two corps, they will probably face difficulties against the enemy.” Enver Pasha wanted his plan executed through a winter offense. He decided to take in the charge. He left Istanbul with General Bronsart von Schellendorf and the head of the Operations Office Lieutenant Colonel Feldmann. They arrived in Erzurum on December 21. Senior Turkish commanders opposed the forced resignation of Hasan İzzet the Commander of the 3rd Army due to his rejection of the plan.
The total war zone was nearly 1,250-1,500 kilometers (776-932 miles) wide from Black sea to Lake Van, which made the military concentration difficult. The operation executed at a plateau averaging 1,500-2,000 meters (5,000-6,500 feet). The main difficulty about the region was the roads. The transportation infrastructure on the Ottoman side was far from adequate. Russia's main advantage was the railway up to Kars including a terminal at Sarikamish. The railway was 24 kilometers (15 miles) from the border. The only way for an army through the Caucasian heights was the high mountain passes in which were lied the cities Kars and Sarikamish. Beyond, the upper valleys of the Aras River and Euphrates extended westward. Everywhere else was the paths in tracks which were impenetrable to artillery. The forces were concentrated about 80 kilometers (50 miles) on each side of the border at the fortresses of Kars (Russian) and Erzurum (Ottoman).
The 3rd Army under the command of Enver Pasha was composed of the IX, X and XI Corps. 3rd Army's headquarters and the IX Corps were located in Erzurum. The X Corps was stationed in Sivas, whereas the XI Corps was in Elazığ (Mamuretülaziz). A detachment unit under the command of German Stange (lieutenant colonel) was established from the 3rd Infantry Division located at Erzurum Fortress to reinforce the offense and pin down the Russians. This detachment unit was originally stationed in Thrace; consisting of two battalions of the 8th Infantry Regiment and two artillery. The fighting power included 83,000 regular troops, reserves, and personnel of the Erzurum Fortress added to 118,000. The total manpower including transportation units, depot regiments, and military police was 150,000. There were 73 machine guns and 218 artillery pieces. Ottoman forces were inadequately prepared for the campaign. Two divisions of the IX Corps began a long trek with no winter clothing and only dry bread and olives for rations.
Armenian 3rd battalion cavalry and troops commanded by Hamazasp Srvandztian rallying at Etchmiadzin in 1914The Russian Caucasus Army was a well-equipped 100,000 troops. The Russians redeployed almost half of the Caucasus Army to the Prussian front due to the defeats at the Battle of Tannenberg (August 23 - September 2, 1914) and the Masurian Lakes (September 9-14, 1914), leaving behind just 65,000 troops. To remedy these troop movements Count Illarion Ivanovich Vorontsov-Dashkov consulted with the Mayor of Tbilisi Alexandre Khatsian, the primate of Tbilisi Bishop Mesrop, and the prominent civic leader Dr. Hakob Zavriev about the creation of Armenian volunteer detachments. The Russian Armenian reservists had already been drafted into the regular armed forces and sent to European theatre of World War I. The volunteer units would make up of Armenians who were not citizens of the empire or not obligated to serve. Originally, there were 4 volunteer battalions created. Along the Kars Oblast, the 3rd battalion commanded by Hamazasp (Srvandztian) and 4th battalion by Keri (Arshak Gavafian) operated on the front facing Erzurum between Sarikamish and Oltu. The Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Military District (Caucasian Army) was Illarion Ivanovich Vorontsov-Dashkov. Effective command laid on Inf. General Aleksandr Zakharevich Myshlayevsky who was originally a military historian graduated from Imperial General Staff Academy. General Nikolai Yudenich was the Chief of Staff of General Myshlayevsky.
Hafız Hakki was at the left flank. His order was to move the IX and X Corps to Sarikamish and Kars. He contemplated a two step plan. A sudden initial attack ("major offensive") and second step with both Corps proceeding at full speed towards the Oltu. He expected the assault at İd to be concluded by the afternoon of December 22. Then the Corps would march 30 kilometers a day and arrive in the Kars-Sarikamish line by December 25. For the movement on the extreme left two divisions of the Stange regiment had been sent by sea from Constantinople to Trabzon. On early December 22, Hafız Hakkı ordered his troops to move forward. They engaged in a brief skirmish against a Russian brigade commanded by General Istomin, once these divisions reached to Oltu. The skirmishes at Oltu ended the next day after 4 artillery guns, 4 machine guns, and 1000 Russian troops were taken prisoner. On December 23, Istomin abandoned his position for the general direction of Ardahan. Hafız Hakkı sent 2 divisions to pursue Istomin. At the extreme left wing, the Stange Regiment, which had landed at Trabzon, was to move up the Çoruh valley towards Ardahan and across a pass of 2,4384 kilometers (8,000 feet) high.
On December 24, Hafız Hakkı was well beyond Oltu after having marched a hard 75 kilometers in just over three days. However, they were not at Kars-Sarikamish line as it was planned. On December 25, Ottoman troops had been marching for 14 hours under heavy snow. The soldiers were exhausted, fatigued, hungry; the fear of frostbite and Russian machine guns were slowly being replaced by absolute indifference. On December 26, at the 18th hour of this march, in the early hours of the morning, the 91st Regiment of X Corps came under enemy fire. The Russians left the scene after nearly two hours of fighting. The regiment hit the road again. Soon a snow storm began. Under these conditions the 91st Regiment managed to reach Kosor in 21 hours after leaving Penek, a distance of just 8 kilometers. Other units reached their destinations at a similar rate. While Enver was ordering a night attack, elements of the X Corps were spending the night in the villages of Kosor, Arsenik and Patsik, which were 40, 35 and 30 kilometers from Sarikamish respectively. The Allahüekber Mountains were in front of these units. It would take them at least 2 more days to reach Sarikamish.
The X Corps suffered a delay of 24 hours in the Barduz Pass. This added an extra deviation from Enver's all-attack plan. In the Barduz Pass conflict 4th battalion of the Armenian volunteers lost 600 troops. The Stange regiment looked down to Ardahan. When the commander Malyshevsky arrived army headquarters in the Russian front line, he was almost in a complete panic. He gave the order for a general retreat. The process of withdrawing was to start on December 25 and 26. The Russians evacuated Sarikamish, leaving only 2 cavalry squadrons and 1,000 railwaymen to defend it. Not all Russian commanders were in a state of panic. The Russian army headquarters maintained a solid grip on the situation, the effective command and control never lost. General Yudenich, taking command of the II Turkestan Corps, decided to put up resistance. On December 28 the Russians held by the XI Corps at Khorasan. The IX Corps were at Sarikamish. The X Corps were threatening to pierce the Russian front along the Kars railway at east side. The Stange regiment was descending upon Ardahan at sixty miles north-east. The Enver's operational plan looked liked succeeded on the map. The ground situation was alarming. Ottoman forces were worn out, half starved, and short of guns and ammunition, for no transport on earth could cope with such a breakneck march. Enver Pasha thought that the Russians were retreating to Kars. In fact, it was actually an encircling movement.
On December 29, the assault took place. The IX and XI Corps, totaling 12,000 men, began to attack Sarikamish. During bitter bayonet fighting, only 300 men succeeded in breaking into the city. At end of the day, they were driven off, losing 6,000 troops. Enver's positive mood replaced with disappointment when he received information that Russians were preparing to encircle his forces with a force of five regiments. This shock enabled Enver Pasha to see the truth. On December 31, the IX Corps was stuck in woods outside Sarikamish and down to some 2,500 men and 14 artillery guns and machine guns. On the same night bad news arrived from Bardız to Enver’s headquarters. The 32nd Division abandoned his positions to the Russians. This meant that Barduz and Kızılkilise roads were now in Russian hands. The Ottoman forces were inside a semicircle. Retreat through the open mouth of the circle would be the rational decision. Enver refused to lose momentum, and ordered his units to continue with the plan. On January 1, commander of the XI Corps pressed a frontal attack on Sarikamish lasting for the next 4 days; after that the heavy fighting began to lose momentum. Snow hindered advancing forces which were supposed to bring the relief. The IX Corps melted away on the way to Sarikamish. One of the divisions lost 40% of its strength in a snowstorm. The X Corps never come to the rescue. The 90% of X Corps was left on the slopes of Allahüekber Mountains. The XI Corps was fighting at the Aras region. A regiment entered Çerkezköy, only to be taken prisoner. According to schedule but exhausted, the Stange regiment entered Ardahan. The Russians were about to encircle the remaining forces.
On January 2, Russian artillery fire caused severe casualties. Enver Pasha received two reports; one was from the chief of staff of the IX Corps, Lieutenant Colonel Şerif, and the other from Colonel Hafız Hakkı. Both reports were saying that they did not have any capacity to launch another attack. They were simply too weak. Enver responded to the units “the offensive is to go on at full strength.” This was later used as a sign of his denial. Later, Enver slowly accepted the truth and focused on securing the routes for retreat instead of insisting on new attacks to take Sarikamish. He combined the two corps there, renamed it the “Left Wing Army.” He promoted the Colonel Hafız Hakkı to Brigadier General and gave the command of the Left wing Army. On January 3, I Corps were driven out again back to the Choruk Valley, in which direction the remnants of the X Corps were also retreating. Hafız Hakkı, who was just promoted to be a Pasha, was hoping for reinforcements. He did not order his units, Left Wing Army, to retreat. He believed it could be still possible to take Sarikamish. Meanwhile, around 40 kilometres south to Sarikamish, the XI Corps led by Galip Pasha was renewing attacks on Russian lines in an attempt to relieve the pressure on the IX and X Corps positioned in front of Sarikamish. However, the Russians were advancing now. The circle was getting narrower. On January 4, Hafız Hakkı Pasha toured the front line. He said to İhsan Pasha that it is over and he was hoping that some of the troops left on Allahüekber Mountains could be still alive.
On January 6, the 3rd Army headquarters found itself under fire. The Russians captured the entire 28th Division. The 17th and 29th Divisions were taken prisoner. 8 senior officers including İhsan Pasha surrendered to the Russians. Among the captives, 108 officers and 80 soldiers transferred to Sarikamish. Hafız Hakkı Pasha managed to save himself. He safely reached the headquarters of the X Corps. He found out that the IX Corps fell to the hands of Russians. He ordered a total retreat. On January 7, the remaining forces began their march towards Erzurum. On January 11, after four days of travel Enver Pasha and the German officers reached Erzurum. They stipulated in their original plan that the same route could be taken by the 3rd Army in two days. The transports dispatched from Constantinople which attempted to land troops and provisions at Trabzon were sunk by a Russian Black Sea squadron and the warships. The escorts SMS Goeben and TCG Hamidieh chased back to the Bosporus. On January 17, the remnants of Ottoman forces in woods outside Sarikamish were collected which signaled the end of final fighting in this front. On the other side, the Russian right wing cleared the Choruk Valley. Enver's project ended in failure after three weeks of heroic struggle amid high mountains and deep snowdrifts. For a time, at least, Russia was secure from attack in the Caucasus. Hafız Hakkı Pasha expected that the Russians use this success to capture the Erzurum Fortress. The 3rd Army immediately took reconstruction measures. This proved to be nearly impossible as all the local reserves depleted. On February 12, the young and energetic Hafız Hakkı Pasha died at the helm of the Army. Otto Liman von Sanders, who was asked before, rejected the position again. Mahmut Kamil Pasha took the command of the Army. The war minister Enver Pasha never commanded troops in any other battle again.
The Ottoman 3rd Army started with 118,000 fighting power. It was reduced to 42,000 effective in January 1915. There are conflicting figures on Ottoman Casualties. Sources do not agree on what the final sum should include. The Turkish official history states; 32,000 KIA, 15,000 died sickness, 7,000 prisoners, 10,000 wounded, some 50,000 casualty. The casualties of the conflict escalated beyond the end of active period as the most immediate problem confronting the 3rd Army became the typhus epidemic. The epidemic was so bad that the commander of the Army Hafız Hakkı Pasha died of typhus just a few weeks later in Erzurum. TAF presents a round-up 60,000 throughout all the period of operation. Russians had 7,000 POW's, which includes 200 officers. These POW's were kept under confinement for the next three three years in the small town of Varnavino, east of Moscow on the Vetluga River. After the final days of the Czarist empire, these soldiers had chance to return ailing Ottoman Empire. Russian losses were 16,000 KIA and 12,000 died sickness, mostly due to frostbite. TAF sources report a rounded 30,000 without giving details on the breakdown of this number.
Enver was the strategist of the operation. Hassan Izzet was the tactician who implemented the plan and remedied the shortcomings. The failure was blamed on Enver. Beyond his faulty estimate on how the enveloped Russians would react, his failure was on not keeping operational reserves that matched the needs of the conditions. He did not have enough field service to factor the hardships faced by the soldiers, he analyzed the operational necessities theoretically rather than contextually. Carrying out a military plan in the winter was not the major failure of the operation. A valid question is if the plan could have executed better? It would be hard to exceed the performance of the Turkish soldiers. The IX and X Corps marched with the possible best effectiveness under the given conditions. The authority of the command over the units were undeniable which extended to the human limits. The majority of the units managed to move to the right positions. In many respects, the destruction of 30,000 Russian units should be credited. The communication and cooperation between the Ottoman units failed, forces functioned separate units rather than mutually supporting engagements as originally planned. There was not sufficient operational reserve established, for size of engagement. The conditions of the Ottoman forces could have been better, if Enver paused the operations on December 14, or did not moved beyond Oltu line with the artillery pieces. The decision to take heavy artillery rather than short range smaller caliber beyond the Oltu line was failure as the forces were faced detachment units with better mobility. The plan's had faulty estimate on the Russian forces. The commanders of the X and IX Corps were replaced with little or no experience at the operational level. The chief of staff of IX Corps Köprülülü Şerif Bey "..troops fought on the top of tall mountains under snowstorm against the artillery of an enemy of centuries and they were completely annihilated, but not a single Turkish soldier has ever turned his back to his nation... In Sarikamish, there was no panic.”
During the battle the light infantry was used by both sides. The detachment Armenian volunteer units on the Russian side, and the detachment I Corps unit under control of Stange Bey bey provided skirmishing screen ahead of the main body of infantry, harassing and delaying of the enemy advance or preventing them escaping. The Ottoman detachment unit whence the Armenian volunteers operated and also those settlements left exposed by tactical withdrawals of the Russian forces and Armenian volunteer units. The Armenian detachment units are credited no small measure of the success which attended by the Russian forces, as they were natives of the region, adjusted to the climatic conditions, familiar with every road and mountain path, and had real incentive to fierce and resolute combat. The Armenian volunteers were small, mobile, and well adapted to the semi-guerrilla warfare. They did good work as scouts, though they took part in many severe engagements. Armenian detachment battalions challenged the Ottoman operations during the critical times: "the delay enabled the Russian Caucasus Army to concentrate sufficient force around Sarikamish".
Martin Gilbert in The First World War states that in search of allies against the Turks, the Tsar visited the "Caucasus front" on December 30, telling the head of the Armenian Church that "a most brilliant future awaits the Armenians". With these words, the fate of hundreds of thousands of Armenians was endangered, as Ottoman Empire saw in its own large Armenian minority a source of fifth column activity, treachery and disloyalty, and did nothing to dampen anti-Armenian feeling. The relationship between the Armenians and the Ottoman Empire had already started to deteriorate after numerous massacres in eastern Anatolia during the 1890s. The Ottoman government claimed[citation needed] that it had a legitimate defense by sovereign state—at the moment of its greatest danger—against an actual or projected Armenian uprising in favor of Russia and Western Allied invasion of Ottoman heartlands. On his return to Constantinople, Enver Pasha blamed his failure on the actions of the region's local Armenians, initiating the repressive measures against the empire's Armenian population that were an early stage of the Armenian Genocide.
Source: http://wapedia.mobi/en/Battle_of_Sarikamis
Caucasus Campaign: World War One
The Caucasus Campaign comprised armed conflicts between the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire, later including Azerbaijan, Armenia, Central Caspian Dictatorship and the British Empire as part of the Middle Eastern theatre or alternatively named as part of the Caucasus Campaign during World War I. The Caucasus Campaign extended from the Caucasus to the Eastern Asia Minor region, reaching as far as Trabzon, Bitlis, Muş and Van. The land warfare was accompanied by the Russian navy in the Black Sea Region of the Ottoman Empire.
On February 23, 1917, the Russian advance was halted following the Russian Revolution,
and later the disintegrated Russian Caucasus Army was replaced by the
forces of the newly established Armenian state, comprised from the
previous Armenian volunteer units and the Armenian irregular units.
During 1918 the region also saw the establishment of the Central Caspian
Dictatorship, the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and an Allied force
named Dunsterforce which was composed of elite troops drawn from the
Mesopotamian and Western Fronts. The Ottoman Empire and German Empire
had a hot conflict at Batumi with the arrival of German Caucasus
Expedition whose prime aim was to secure oil supplies.
On March 3, 1918, the campaign was terminated between the Ottoman Empire and Russia with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and on June 4, 1918, the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaty of Batum with Armenia.
Background
The main objective of the Ottoman Empire was the recovery of its territories in Armenian Highland. These regions were captured by Russians after the Russo-Turkish War, 1877-78. The strategic goals of the Caucasus Campaign for Ottoman Forces was to retake Artvin, Ardahan,
Kars, and the port of Batum. A success in this region would mean a
diversion of Russian forces to this front from the Polish and Galician
fronts. A Caucasus Campaign would have a distracting effect on Russian
forces. The plan found sympathy with German advisory.
Germany supplied the missing resources and the Ottoman 3rd Army's
manpower was used to achieve the desired distraction. War Minister Enver Pasha hoped a success would facilitate opening the route to Tbilisi and beyond with a revolt of Caucasian Muslims. The Ottoman – or rather German – strategic goal was to cut off Russian access to the hydrocarbon resources around the Caspian Sea.
Russia viewed the Caucasus front as secondary to the Eastern Front. The Eastern Front had the most Russian manpower and resources. Russia had taken the fortress of Kars from the Turks during the Russo-Turkish War in 1877 and feared a campaign into the Caucasus aimed at retaking Kars and the port of Batum. In March 1915, when the Russian foreign minister Sergey Sazonov in a meeting with British ambassador George Buchanan and French Ambassador Maurice Paléologue
stated that a lasting postwar settlement demanded full Russian
possession of the capital city of the Ottoman Empire, the straits of Bosphorus and Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmara, southern Thrace up to the Enos-Midia line as well as parts of the Black Sea coast of Anatolia between the Bosphorus, the Sakarya River and an undetermined point near the Bay of Izmit. The Russian Tsarist regime planned to replace the Muslim population of Northern Anatolia and Istanbul with more reliable Cossack settlers.
Armenian national liberation movement sought to establish First Republic of Armenia. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation achieved this goal with the establishment of the internationally recognized Democratic Republic of Armenia in May 1918. Also as early as 1915, the Administration for Western Armenia and later Republic of Mountainous Armenia were Armenian controlled entities, while Centrocaspian Dictatorship was established with Armenian participation. None of these entities were long lasting.
The British worked with Russian revolutionary troops to prevent
Enver Pasha's goal of establishing an independent Transcaucasia. The Anglo-Persian Oil Company was in the proposed path of Ottoman ambitions, which owned the exclusive rights to work petroleum deposits throughout the Persian Empire
except in the provinces of Azerbaijan, Ghilan, Mazendaran, Asdrabad and
Khorasan. In 1914, before the war, the British government had
contracted with the company for the supply of oil-fuel for the navy.
Forces
The Ottomans had one army based in the region, the 3rd Army. In 1916
they sent reinforcements and formed the 2nd Army. The Ottoman
generalship and organization were negligible compared to the Allies. At
the beginning of the conflict, Ottoman combined forces estimate ranged
from 100,000 to 190,000 men. Many were poorly equipped.
Before the war, Russia had Russian Caucasus Army with 100,000 men
under the nominal command of the Governor General of the Caucasus
Illarion Vorontsov-Dashkov. The real commander was his chief of staff
General Nikolai Yudenich.
At the onset of the Caucasus Campaign, the Russians had to redeploy
almost half of their forces to the Prussian front due to the defeats at
the Battle of Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes, leaving behind just 60,000 troops. This Army had Armenian generals Nazarbekov, Silikian,
and Pirumov who stayed in Caucasia. The Russian Caucasus Army
dissipated in 1917 as the regular Russian regiments deserted the front
line after the revolution. By 1917, when the Russian Caucasus Army
disintegrated, there were 110,000–120,000 soldiers of Armenian
ethnicity. This number approached to 150,000 for the total Armenians
(including other Allied forces) for Near East where opposing to Ottoman
forces.
In the summer of 1914, Armenian volunteer units were established
under the Russian Armed forces. As the Russian Armenian conscripts were
already send to the European Front, this force was uniquely established
from Armenians that were not Russian Armenian or the ones that were not
obligated to serve. It was initially established as detachment units
(rather than part of Russian Caucasus Command) under the Viceroyalty of
the Caucasus. These forces were commanded by Andranik Ozanian, and also Drastamat Kanayan, Arshak Gafavian, Sargis Mehrabyan. An Ottoman representative Karekin Bastermadjian
(Armen Karo) was also united to this force. Initially they had 20,000
men, but throughout the conflicts it was reported that their number
increased. At the turn of 1916, Nikolai Yudenich decided to either merge
these units under the Russian Caucasus Army or dismantle them.
Armenian national liberation movement commanded the Armenian Fedayee (Armenian: Ֆէտայի) during these conflicts. These civilian forces generally organized around famous leaders, such as Murad of Sebastia (Armenian: Սեբաստացի Մուրատ). These were generally refereed as Armenian partisian guerrilla detachments. Boghos Nubar the president of the Armenian National Assembly declared that they accompanied the main Armenian units. The line from Van to Erzincan was organized through these units.
In December 1917, The Dashnaks of Armenian national liberation movement
through the Armenian Congress of Eastern Armenians established a
military force. The corps realigned themselves under the command of
General Tovmas Nazarbekian. Drastamat Kanayan was assigned as a civilian commissioner. The frontline had three main divisions: Movses Silikyan, Andranik Ozanian and Mikhail Areshian. Another regular unit was under Colonel Korganian. The line from Van to Erzincan was organized through these units. It was mentioned that Adrianic had 150,000 men. After declaration of the Democratic Republic of Armenia Nazarbekian became the first Commander-in-chief of the whole Armenian state.
There were Kurdish militia in the region. They reportedly sided with both the Ottoman and Russian forces. Lionel Dunsterville
was appointed in 1917 to lead an Allied force of under 1,000
Australian, British, Canadian and New Zealand elite troops, accompanied
by armored cars.
Operations
During July 1914, there were negotiations between the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and Armenian intelligentsia at the Armenian congress at Erzurum. The public conclusion of this congress was "Ostensibly conducted to peaceful advance Armenian demands by legitimate means". The CUP regarded the congress as the seedbed in establishing the decisions of insurrection. Historian Erikson concluded that after this meeting the CUP was convinced on strong Armenian – Russian links with detailed plans aimed at the detachment of the region from the Ottoman Empire.
1914
On November 1, the Bergmann Offensive, Russians crossed the frontier first. They planned to capture Doğubeyazıt and Köprüköy. The official Russian declaration of war to Ottoman Empire came on November 2. The established force for this goal was 25 infantry battalions, 37 cavalry units and 120 artillery guns. It had two wings. On the right wing, the Russian I Corps crossed the border and moved from Sarıkamış toward the direction of Köprüköy. They reached Köprüköy on November 4. On the left wing, the Russian IV Corps moved from Yerevan to Pasinler Plains. The commander of 3rd Army, Hasan Izzet was not in favor of an offensive action in the harsh winter conditions. His plan to remain in defense and launch a counterattack at the right time. This was overridden by the War Minister Enver Pasha. On November 7, the 3rd Army commenced its offensive with the participation of the XI Corps and all cavalry units. This force was supported by Kurdish Tribal Regiment. The cavalry failed to execute the encircling and the Kurdish Tribal Regiment proved to be unreliable. Russians gained territory after the withdrawal of the 18th and the 30th Divisions. Ottoman forces managed to maintain their positions at Köprüköy. By November 12, the IX Corps with Ahmet Fevzi Pasha reinforce the XI Corps on the left flank. The 3rd Army began to push the Russians back with the support of the cavalry. The 3rd Infantry Regiment managed to invade Köprüköy after the Azap Offensive between November 17 to 20. By the end of November, the front had stabilized with the Russians clinging to a salient 25 kilometers into Ottoman Empire along the Erzurum-Sarıkamış axis. The Russian success was along the southern shoulders of the offensive where Armenian volunteers were effective and took Karaköse and Doğubeyazıt. Doğubeyazıt was the northern neighbor of Van Province. Ottoman casualties were high: 9000 killed, 3000 taken prisoner and 2800 deserters.
Operations
During July 1914, there were negotiations between the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and Armenian intelligentsia at the Armenian congress at Erzurum. The public conclusion of this congress was "Ostensibly conducted to peaceful advance Armenian demands by legitimate means". The CUP regarded the congress as the seedbed in establishing the decisions of insurrection. Historian Erikson concluded that after this meeting the CUP was convinced on strong Armenian – Russian links with detailed plans aimed at the detachment of the region from the Ottoman Empire.
1914
On November 1, the Bergmann Offensive, Russians crossed the frontier first. They planned to capture Doğubeyazıt and Köprüköy. The official Russian declaration of war to Ottoman Empire came on November 2. The established force for this goal was 25 infantry battalions, 37 cavalry units and 120 artillery guns. It had two wings. On the right wing, the Russian I Corps crossed the border and moved from Sarıkamış toward the direction of Köprüköy. They reached Köprüköy on November 4. On the left wing, the Russian IV Corps moved from Yerevan to Pasinler Plains. The commander of 3rd Army, Hasan Izzet was not in favor of an offensive action in the harsh winter conditions. His plan to remain in defense and launch a counterattack at the right time. This was overridden by the War Minister Enver Pasha. On November 7, the 3rd Army commenced its offensive with the participation of the XI Corps and all cavalry units. This force was supported by Kurdish Tribal Regiment. The cavalry failed to execute the encircling and the Kurdish Tribal Regiment proved to be unreliable. Russians gained territory after the withdrawal of the 18th and the 30th Divisions. Ottoman forces managed to maintain their positions at Köprüköy. By November 12, the IX Corps with Ahmet Fevzi Pasha reinforce the XI Corps on the left flank. The 3rd Army began to push the Russians back with the support of the cavalry. The 3rd Infantry Regiment managed to invade Köprüköy after the Azap Offensive between November 17 to 20. By the end of November, the front had stabilized with the Russians clinging to a salient 25 kilometers into Ottoman Empire along the Erzurum-Sarıkamış axis. The Russian success was along the southern shoulders of the offensive where Armenian volunteers were effective and took Karaköse and Doğubeyazıt. Doğubeyazıt was the northern neighbor of Van Province. Ottoman casualties were high: 9000 killed, 3000 taken prisoner and 2800 deserters.
During December, Nicholas II of Russia visited the Caucasus Campaign. The head of the Armenian Church along the president of the Armenian National Council of Tiflis in Tiflis Alexander Khatisyan received the excellence:
"From all countries Armenians are hurrying to enter the ranks of the glorious Russian Army, with their blood to serve the victory of the Russian Army... Let the Russian flag wave freely over the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, Let your will the peoples [Armenian] remaining under the Turkish yoke receive freedom. Let the Armenian people of Turkey who have suffered for the faith of Christ received resurrection for a new free life...."
On December 15, 1914, at the Battle of Ardahan
the city Ardanuch was captured. It was an operation commanded by German
Lt. Col. Stange. The mission of Stange Bey Detachment was to conduct
highly visible operations to distract and pin Russian units. Stange
Bey's initial mission was to operate in the Chorok region. The unit was
materially assisted by the rebellious Adjars of the country, who seized
the road. Later Enver modified the original plan toward supporting the
Battle of Sarikamish. It was ordered to cut the Russian support link to
Sarikamish-Kars line. On January 1, this unit was in Ardahan.
On December 22, at the Battle of Sarikamish
3rd Army received the order to advance towards Kars. In the face of the
3rd Army's advance Governor Vorontsov planned to pull the Russian
Caucasus Army back to Kars. Yudenich ignored Vorontsov's wishes to
withdraw. He stayed to defend Sarikamis. Enver Pasha assumed the
personal command of the 3rd Army and ordered it into battle against the
Russian troops.
1915
On January 6, the 3rd Army headquarters found itself under fire. Hafiz Hakki Pasha
ordered a total retreat. On January 7, the remaining forces began their
march towards Erzurum. The resulting Battle of Sarikamish became a
stunning defeat. Only 10% of the Army managed to retreat back to its
starting position. Enver gave up command. The detachment Armenian
volunteer units credited no small measure of the success which attended
by the Russian forces; they challenged the Ottoman operations during the
critical times: "the delay enabled the Russian Caucasus Army to
concentrate sufficient force around Sarikamish". Enver blamed this
defeat on Armenians living in the region actively siding with the
Russians after his return to Constantinople. On January 18, 1915, the Lt. Col. Stange's unit was recalled from
the area around Ardahan. It was to stay behind the lines in the region;
only on March 1, 1915 did it regain its initial position.
In February, General Yudenich was praised for the victory and
promoted to commander-in-chief of all Russian troops in the Caucasus.
The Allies (British and France) asked Russia to relieve the pressure on
the Western front. In return, Russia asked the Allies to relieve
pressure in the Caucasus by a naval attack. The resulting operations in
the Black Sea gave the Russians some respite to replenish their forces.
Additionally, actions at the Battle of Gallipoli
which aimed at capturing the Ottoman capital helped the Russian forces
on this front. On February 12, the commander of the 3rd Army Hafiz Hakki
Pasha died of typhus and was replaced by Brigadier General Mahmut Kamil
Pasha. Kamil faced the daunting task of putting the Ottoman army back
in order. The military planners back in Istanbul were scared of the
Russians advancing deeper into the mainland.
During March the strategic situation remained stable. The
completely devastated 3rd Army received new blood through reinforcements
from the 1st and 2nd Armies, although these supplements were not
stronger than a division. The Battle of Gallipoli was draining every
Ottoman resource. Meanwhile, the Russians were holding the towns of
Eleşkirt, Ağrı and Doğubeyazıt in the south. Military action never
escalated above small-scale skirmishes—the Ottomans simply did not have
enough forces to secure the whole East Anatolian region.
On April 20, the resistance at the city of Van
began. The Armenian defenders protecting 30,000 residents and 15,000
refugees with 1,500 able bodied riflemen who were supplied with 300
rifles and 1,000 pistols and antique weapons. The conflict lasted more
than three weeks until the General Yudenich came to rescue them. General
Yudenich began an offensive (May 6) into Ottoman territory. One wing of
this offensive headed towards Lake Van to relieve the Armenian residents of the Van Resistance. A brigade
of Trans-Baikal Cossacks under General Trukhin, and some Armenian
volunteers towards Van. On May 21, General Yudenich arrived to the city,
received the keys to the city and citadel and confirmed the Armenian
provisional government in office, with Aram Manukian as governor. The Fedayee turned over the city of Van. With Van secure, fighting shifted farther west for the rest of the summer.
On April 24, Interior minister Mehmed Talat passed the order of April 24 (known by the Armenians as the Red Sunday), claimed that the Armenians in this region organized under the leadership of Russians and rebelled against his government, as they had shown in their securing of Van for Armenian nationalists. The Armenians of the Van Resistance and others which were under the Russian occupation were spared from these arrests, since they had rebelled.
On April 24, Interior minister Mehmed Talat passed the order of April 24 (known by the Armenians as the Red Sunday), claimed that the Armenians in this region organized under the leadership of Russians and rebelled against his government, as they had shown in their securing of Van for Armenian nationalists. The Armenians of the Van Resistance and others which were under the Russian occupation were spared from these arrests, since they had rebelled.
On May 6, the Russian advance began through the Tortum Valley
towards Erzurum. The Ottoman 29th and 30th Divisions managed to stop
this assault. The Ottoman X Corps counter-attacked the Russian forces.
But on the southern part of this advance, Ottoman forces were not as
successful as they have been in the north. On May 11 town of Malazgirt
fallen. On May 17, Russian forces entered the town of Van. Ottoman
forces continued to be pushed back. Supply lines were being cut, as the
Armenian rebellions were causing additional difficulties behind Ottoman
lines. The region south of Lake Van was extremely vulnerable. The Turks
had to defend a line of more than 600 kilometers with only 50,000 men
and 130 pieces of artillery. They were clearly outnumbered by the
Russians. The region was mountainous, thus difficult to defend.
On May 27, during the Russian offensive, the interior minister of Talat Pasha ordered a forced deportation of all Armenians out of region with the Tehcir Law to the Syria and Mosul. By June 13, Russian units were back to their starting line. On June 19, the Russians launched another offensive. This time northwest to Lake Van. The Russians, under Oganovski, launched an offense into the hills west of Malazgirt. The Russians underestimated the size of the Ottoman arm, and were surprised by a large Turkish force at the counterattack. Russian forces began to march from Malazgirt towards Muş. However, they were not aware of the fact that the Turkish IX Corps, together with the 17th and 28th Divisions was moving to Muş as well. Although the conditions were extremely difficult, the Turks were executing a very efficient operation of reorganization. 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were positioned to the south of the Russian offensive force and a “Right Wing Group” was established under the command of Brigadier General Abdülkerim Paşa. This group was independent from the Third Army and Abdülkerim Paşa was directly reporting to Enver Paşa. The Turks were ready to face the Russian attacks.
On May 27, during the Russian offensive, the interior minister of Talat Pasha ordered a forced deportation of all Armenians out of region with the Tehcir Law to the Syria and Mosul. By June 13, Russian units were back to their starting line. On June 19, the Russians launched another offensive. This time northwest to Lake Van. The Russians, under Oganovski, launched an offense into the hills west of Malazgirt. The Russians underestimated the size of the Ottoman arm, and were surprised by a large Turkish force at the counterattack. Russian forces began to march from Malazgirt towards Muş. However, they were not aware of the fact that the Turkish IX Corps, together with the 17th and 28th Divisions was moving to Muş as well. Although the conditions were extremely difficult, the Turks were executing a very efficient operation of reorganization. 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were positioned to the south of the Russian offensive force and a “Right Wing Group” was established under the command of Brigadier General Abdülkerim Paşa. This group was independent from the Third Army and Abdülkerim Paşa was directly reporting to Enver Paşa. The Turks were ready to face the Russian attacks.
On September 24, Grand Duke Nicholas was promoted to being charge
of all Russian forces in the Caucasus. In reality, he was removed from
being Supreme Commander of the Russian Caucasus Army which was the
highest executive position [actual conduct of the war] for the Caucasus
Campaign. His replacement was General Yudenich. This front was quiet
from October till the end of the year. Yudenich used this period to
reorganize. Around the start of 1916, Russian forces reached a level of
200,000 men and 380 pieces of artillery. On the other side the situation
was very different; the Ottoman High Command failed to make up the
losses during this period. The war in Gallipoli was sucking all the
resources and manpower. The IX, X and XI Corps could not be reinforced
and in addition to that the 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were
deployed to Mesopotamia. Enver Pasha, after not achieving his ambitions
or recognizing the dire situation on other fronts, decided that the
region was of secondary importance. As of January 1916, Ottoman forces
were 126,000 men, only 50,539 being combat. There were 74,057 rifles, 77
machine guns and 180 pieces of artillery. Ottoman force in Caucasus
Campaign was big on the paper, but not on the ground. The Ottomans
assumed that the Russians would not bother to attack. This assumption
turned out to be false.
1916
In early January, Yudenich secretly left its winter quarters and marched towards the major Ottoman fort at Erzurum. The winter is not normally a time for military activity in this part of the world. The bitter cold and terrible roads contributed greatly to the annihilation of Enver Pasha's 3rd Army in the previous year. The Russian General Yudenich viewed this as an opportunity to take the Ottomans by surprise. The Russians achieved total surprise and destroyed an Ottoman division that was in winter quarters at Battle of Koprukoy (January 10–18).
In early January, Yudenich secretly left its winter quarters and marched towards the major Ottoman fort at Erzurum. The winter is not normally a time for military activity in this part of the world. The bitter cold and terrible roads contributed greatly to the annihilation of Enver Pasha's 3rd Army in the previous year. The Russian General Yudenich viewed this as an opportunity to take the Ottomans by surprise. The Russians achieved total surprise and destroyed an Ottoman division that was in winter quarters at Battle of Koprukoy (January 10–18).
On February 16, Mahmut Kamil forced to order the 3rd Army to retreat from the city, as Yudenich had an advantage in numbers against the Ottomans. The difference was not big enough to be decisive, so Yudenich's plan was to attack the center of the Ottoman defenses, with the key attack falling in a weakly held sector. While diversionary attacks held the attention of Mahmut Kamil near Deve-Boyun ridge, Russian forces broke through at Forts Kara-gobek and Tafet. The result was that both rings of the cities' defenses had been penetrated.
In April, the Caucasus army moved in two directions from Erzurum, part went north and captured the ancient port city of Trabzon.
Other branch moved to Mush-Bitlis direction. These units pushed the 2nd
Army deep into Anatolia and captured Battle of Mush and Battle of Bitlis
(March 2 – August 24), driving the Ottoman army before it. Bitlis was
the last defense point for the Ottoman Army to prevent the Russians from
moving into central Anatolia and Mesopotamia.
During July, General Yudenich then countered the Ottoman attack with an offensive of his own towards Erzican with the Battle of Erzincan
(July 2–25). On July 2, Erzincan was captured; the Ottoman offensive
against Trabzon was halted as they tried to stabilize their front lines.
In August, Mustafa Kemal
recaptured Mush and Bitlis. Earlier in the year, after these towns fell
into Russian hands, the Ottoman War Ministry asked Mustafa Kemal to
organize the defense in the region. The region was controlled by the 2nd
Army. When Mustafa Kemal was assigned to his post, the enemy forces
were in constant advance. Fighting around the east side of Lake Van
continued throughout the summer but was inconclusive. In the earlier
periods of the campaign, Mustafa Kemal’s XVI Corps managed to take
Bitlis and Muş. Ahmet İzzet Paşa decided to attack one week after the
conclusion of the Russian offensive. A military force, in three
corps-sized groups, III, IV and XVI Corps, was gathered and sent
marching along the coast. The Second Army advanced on August 2. While Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich
was in the north and pushing the Ottoman 3rd Army, the Ottoman 2nd Army
was in the south facing the insurgency and the second branch of Russian
army under General Tovmas Nazarbekian and the detachment Armenian volunteer units controlled by Andranik Ozanian.
However this initial success did not bring victory. The 2nd Army
suffered from severe supply and logistics problems. However the Russians
stopped Kemal's troops at Gevaş and prevented their assault to Van.
By the late September, the Ottoman attack ended. The cost for 2nd
Army was 30,000 killed and wounded. The Russians strengthened their
lines. They were strong enough to respond with counteroffensives in two
weeks after the launch of the Ottoman offensive. The Russians held up
the advance. From September towards the Russian Revolution, the Russian Navy still dominated the Black Sea.
The rest of the year 1916 was spent by the Turks with
organizational and operational changes in the Caucasian front.
Fortunately for the Ottoman commanders, the Russians were quiet during
this period. The winter of 1916–17 was extremely harsh, which made
fighting nearly impossible.
1917
The military situation did not change during the spring of 1917. The
Russian plans for a renewed attack never substantiated. Meanwhile,
Russia was in political and social turmoil. It was also influencing the
army ranks. The chaos caused by the Russian Revolution
put a stop to all Russian military operations. The Russian forces began
to conduct withdrawals. Neither the Russian soldiers nor the Russian
people wanted to continue the war. The Russian army slowly
disintegrated. According to Fevzi Çakmak, in the winter of 1917 alone,
Russia had lost at least 100,000 soldiers, though the soldiers opposing
to Ottoman Empire numbered 250,000 at that time. Starting from the
spring of 1917, the situation was completely disadvantageous as a
renewed typhus, scurvy and similar problems resulting from hygiene and
food, became very common in the Caucasian army.
Until the Russian Revolution of 1917, Ottoman Empire's possible operation in Caucasia could not be imagined. After the Battle of Sarikamish,
the Ottoman units were "almost always" in disastrous situation trying
to hold on the left over regions in the occupied Ottoman lands.
Source: http://althistory.wikia.com/wiki/Caucasus_Campaign_%28Central_Victory%29
1915 ГОД. МОГЛО ЛИ БЫТЬ ИНАЧЕ?
Николай Николаевич ЮДЕНИЧ (18 (30).07.1862 - 05.10.1933гг.) -
русский военный деятель. Один из самых успешных генералов России во
время Первой мировой войны, "носитель русской славы, не потерпевший ни
одного поражения".
Генерал от инфантерии Юденич мог не только стяжать лавры
"второго Суворова", но и славу лучшего русского полководца ХХ века. Этот
человек должен был стать кавалером ордена Св.Георгия всех 4 степеней.
Таких в истории русской армии было всего лишь четверо: фельдмаршалы
Кутузов, Барклай-де-Толли, Дибич и Паскевич. Генерал Юденич командовал в
Первую мировую Кавказской армией, а затем Кавказским фронтом -
единственным, где русская армия не узнала горечи поражения или
отступления.
Победы на Кавказском фронте сделали Юденича к 1917 году героем
России. Но о нем в советское время писали только с уничижительными
эпитетами, а о его славе и полководческом таланте молчали вовсе. По
советским учебникам и монографиям получалась полная ахинея - что
Кавказская армия сражалась без военачальников и при этом побеждала! Это
замалчивание сделало свое черное дело. Сегодня мало кто знает, что
именно благодаря Юденичу Российская империя должна была обрести проливы
Босфор, Дарданеллы и Константинополь - Царьград, колыбель Православия,
осуществить свою вековую мечту и великую миссию. До освобождения
Константинополя от чужой и чуждой ему турецко-мусульманской оккупации
оставались считанные дни. Судьба Турции была уже предрешена русским
штыком - она должна была исчезнуть с Армянского нагорья и полуострова
Малая Азия как чужеродный элемент, принесший коренным обитателям -
армянам, грекам только лишь рабство, османское иго.
Но...
Антигосударственный переворот в России сделал ее из защитника и оплота
Православия его гонителем, из противника Турции она в одночасье, по
химерическим устремлениям большевиков, стала ее союзником и другом,
более того, она уступила ей не только ПРАКТИЧЕСКИ ВСЕ территории,
завоеванные русским солдатом, но даже и те, которые НИКОГДА ей не
принадлежали - часть территории Восточной Армении, перешедшей к России
по Туркманчайскому договору с Персией. И более того - она создала на
землях, также НИКОГДА Турции не принадлежавших, второе турецкое
государство - Азербайджан, ставший сейчас головной болью и для нас, и
для самой России. А сам Н.Н. Юденич, впрочем, как и П.Н.Врангель, как и
А.И.Деникин, как и А.В. Колчак, были объявлены ее врагами.
События, происходившие на Кавказском фронте, по времени и месту, а
также по составу участников имеют непосредственное отношение к Геноциду
армян в Османской империи. Эти события, несомненно, прямо или косвенно
повлияли на решение (нерешение) Армянского вопроса и сегодня нуждаются в
новой актуализации ввиду необходимости прояснить военно-политическую
обстановку, на фоне которой совершалось одно из самых кровавых
преступлений прошлого века.
Одержанные Юденичем на Кавказском фронте победы над превосходящими
силами турок в Сарыкамышской, Евфратской, Эрзерумской, Трапезундской и
других операциях в 1914-1916 годах каждый раз с восторгом встречались
союзниками по Антанте. В Сарыкамышской операции (9-25 декабря 1914
года), открывшей боевые действия на Кавказском фронте, русские войска
неожиданным контрударом разгромили наступавшую 3-ю турецкую армию под
командованием военного министра Энвера-паши (начальник штаба германский
генерал Ф.Бронзарт фон Шеллендорф). Энвер тогда чудом унес ноги; по
иронии судьбы от плена его спасли армяне - солдаты турецкой армии. Бои
шли на высоте более 2000м в условиях суровой горной зимы,
непрекращающегося бурана, когда видимость ограничивалась буквально двумя
шагами. Турки потеряли более 70 тысяч человек. К 23 января 1914 года у
Энвера в армии осталось всего 12 тысяч боеспособных солдат. За
Сарыкамышское сражение Юденич был награжден орденом св. Георгия IV
степени и назначен командующим Кавказской армии в чине генерала от
инфантерии.
По
мнению некоторых историков, турецкие власти организовали массовое
уничтожение армян в качестве мести за поражение турецкой армии при
Сарыкамыше, что не соответствует истине: события 1915г. были лишь пиком
Геноцида армян, длившегося, с приливами и отливами, с 1870-х гг. до
1923г. и даже до 1936г. (резня армян, алевитов и курдов в Дерсиме
(Тунджели).
Летом 1915 года великий князь Николай Николаевич (командующий
Кавказским фронтом) и генерал Юденич (командующий Кавказской армией)
предприняли экстренные меры по предотвращению вступления нейтральной
Персии в войну на стороне центральных держав (Германии, Турции и др.).
На ее территорию из Закавказья был переброшен 8-тысячный кавалерийский
корпус, а из Туркестанского военного округа выдвинут сводный казачий
отряд. Эти превентивные акции русских сорвали германо-турецкие попытки
склонить Тегеран и Кабул к войне против Антанты. За разгром "правого
крыла" 3-й турецкой армии (около 90 батальонов) в Евфратской операции,
закончившейся 30 июля 1915г., Н.Н.Юденич получил орден Св.Георгия III
степени.
Вершиной же воинской славы Юденича стала беспримерная в истории
русского военного искусства времен Первой мировой операция - взятие
крепости Эрзерум в 1916г., за которую Юденич был награжден Георгием II
степени. В плен попали более 13 тысяч турецких военнослужащих.
Крепость Эрзерум являлась единственным и сильно укрепленным районом
на Армянском нагорье и в Малой Азии; 11 фортов, подготовленных к
долговременной круговой обороне: многоярусные башни с крепостными
орудиями до 50 стволов в каждом, окруженные глубокими рвами, и все это
на высоте 2400 метров над уровнем моря. Один вид этой твердыни мог
привести в уныние кого угодно, но не русских, для которых это было
повторением пройденного. Наступление началось 28 декабря 1915 года.
После месяца тяжелых боев русские войска 3 февраля 1916 года во второй
раз овладели Эрзерумской крепостью.
Этот успех, который в военной истории сравнивается со штурмом Измаила
Суворовым, вызвал настоящий фурор. Перед русской армией открывался
оперативный простор на Армянское нагорье и в Анатолию - центральные
области Турции. Кавказская армия генерала Юденича продвинулись на 150
км. Турецкая 3-я армия была разгромлена полностью и потеряла больше
половины своего состава: 66 тыс. человек убитыми и ранеными, 13 тыс. -
пленными. Было взято 9 знамен и 323 орудия. Русская армия потеряла 2339
убитыми и 6 тыс. ранеными. Общие потери турок за кампанию составили 350
тыс. человек, из них 100 тыс. попали в плен. Взятие Эрзерума открыло
путь на Трапезунд, который был взят в апреле, а позже, в июле, был взят
Эрзинджан (Ерзнка). Русская армия глубоко продвинулась на территорию
Западной Армении, практически всю ее освободив от турецкого присутствия.
ИЗ ИЛЛЮСТРИРОВАННОГО ЖУРНАЛА "ИСКРЫ ВОСКРЕСЕНЬЕ" ОТ 3 АПРЕЛЯ 1916 ГОДА:
"От Эрзерума к Трапезунду. Наши доблестные кавказские войска,
заняв Эрзерум и оставив его далеко позади себя, победоносно
продвигаются вперед. Заняв 15 марта город Офь и форсировав реку
Огене-дере, они вступили на плацдарм, изрезанный параллельно текущими в
глубоких долинах реками и ручьями. Приходится вести атаки в очень
глубоком снегу, преодолевая при этом большое количество горных расщелин.
На этом плацдарме, прикрывающем подступы к Трапезунду, турки оказывают
упорное сопротивление, но наши, сбивая врага, уже 24 марта перешли
вторую реку - Кара-дере. Отбросив неприятеля за реку Каре-дере, наши
войска подошли почти к самому городу Сюрмене и теперь находятся на
расстоянии всего 28 верст от Трапезунда".
Перед Черноморским флотом была поставлена задача оказать содействие
приморскому флангу Кавказской армии в овладении Трапезундом. 23 и 24
января 1916г. корабли Батумского отряда ЧФ капитана I ранга М.
М.Римского-Корсакова подавили турецкие батареи у р. Архаве, что
позволило Приморскому отряду Кавказской армии (15 тыс. человек, 38
орудий) генерал-лейтенанта В.Н.Ляхова перейти в наступление. При
содействии морских десантов 1 апреля отряд вышел к позициям турок на р.
Кара-дере.
25-26 марта в Ризе и Хамургяне были высажены две пластунские бригады
(18 тыс. человек, 12 орудий), переброшенные из Новороссийска на 22
транспортах под охраной отряда кораблей. Бригады высаживались под
прикрытием кораблей Батумского отряда и авиации. 2 апреля Приморский
отряд, усиленный пластунскими бригадами, овладел сильно укрепленными
позициями турок на р. Кара-дере, а уже 5-го занял оставленный
противником Трапезунд.
В результате успеха Трапезундской операции была прервана кратчайшая
связь 3-й турецкой армии с Константинополем. Организованные русским
командованием в Трапезунде база легких сил ЧФ и база снабжения
значительно упрочили положение Кавказской армии.
Насколько продуманными были операции против Турции русских войск,
настолько же неудачно действовали против нее союзники. С 19 февраля
1915г. англо-французская армада (18 линкоров, 12 крейсеров, 40 эсминцев)
стала бомбардировать турецкие форты, начав Дарданельскую операцию с
главной целью десантироваться на Галлипольский полуостров, овладеть
Дарданеллами, Босфором и Константинополем. Несмотря на то что союзная
армия в 550 тыс. человек имела двукратное преимущество, союзники
потерпели сокрушительное поражение и вынужденно эвакуировали
экспедиционные силы из Турции в Грецию, на Салоникский фронт. Не лучше
обстояли дела и на Месопотамском фронте. 22 ноября 1915 года под
Багдадом турецкая группировка нанесла сокрушительный удар по британским
войскам, и те, осажденные в крепости Кут-Эль-Амар, в апреле 1916 года
капитулировали.
В итоге спустя некоторое время в Лондоне (май 1916 года) было
заключено секретное соглашение (договор Сайкса-Пико), по которому
союзники дали обещание России выполнить Англо-франко-русское соглашение
1915 года о проливах: присоединить к России Константинополь, проливы
Босфор и Дарданеллы и примыкающие к ним районы европейской и азиатской
части Турции, а также передать России области Эрзерума, Трапезунда,
Вана, Битлиса (т.е. практически всю территорию Армении по Севрскому
договору) и часть Курдистана.
МИНИСТР ИНОСТРАННЫХ ДЕЛ САЗОНОВ ТАК ОПИСЫВАЕТ ДОСТИГНУТУЮ ДОГОВОРЕННОСТЬ:
"В числе упомянутых в английском меморандуме пожеланий были еще
следующие: устройство в Константинополе вольного порта для склада и
провоза товаров, имевших назначение в страны Малой Азии и Юго-Восточной
Европы, кроме России; оставление Аравии и мусульманских святых мест под
независимой мусульманской властью; подчинение нейтральной зоны в Персии
английскому влиянию путем пересмотра русско-английского соглашения 1907
года. На все эти пожелания лондонского кабинета, как и на те, которые
были нам выражены г-ном Палеологом относительно уступки Франции Сирии и
Киликии, русское правительство выразило свое согласие. Дальнейшая
разработка и уточнение территориальных приобретений наших союзников за
счет Оттоманской империи были произведены позже, в личных переговорах
между мной и их особыми уполномоченными - сэром Марком Сайксом и г-ном
Пико. В апреле 1916 года, по окончании этих переговоров и выяснении
пожеланий каждого из членов Тройственного согласия, я сообщил в письме к
союзным представителям в Петрограде о согласии императорского
правительства на предъявленные ими требования о присоединении Англией
Месопотамии и Францией - Сирии и Киликии под условием приобретения
Россией в Малой Азии Эрзерума, Трапезунда, Вана и Битлиса вплоть до
пункта на Черноморском побережье, который должен был быть определен при
проведении новых границ. Часть Курдистана, лежащая к югу от Вана и
Битлиса, должна была равным образом отойти к России, взамен чего Франция
приобретала в Малой Азии значительную территорию с городом Харпутом.
Вот в общих чертах соглашение, к которому пришло русское правительство с
уполномоченными Англии и Франции в 1916 году".
Ясно, что данное соглашение в части, касающейся России, не было
выполнено, поскольку после октября 1917 года она из члена Антанты
превратилась в ее врага. Россия не приняла участия также в разделе сфер
влияния по итогам Первой мировой войны, зато, уже в большевистском
статусе, заключила в 1921 году бесславные Московский и Карсский договоры
с Турцией и тем самым не только утратила завоевания российской армии в
Первой мировой войне, но и уступила геополитическому противнику
территории, отвоеванные в течение всего XIX века.
В этом контексте уместно заметить, что сегодня в российской прессе
порой появляются опусы с экскурсом в 1918-1920 годы с намеком и упреком в
адрес армян и лидеров Первой Армянской республики за их приверженность
Антанте. При этом нарочито умалчивается (в расчете на неосведомленность
читателя), что Российская империя сама была в числе стран Антанты. На
чьей стороне тогда должны были быть армяне, если не на стороне
доблестных генералов Деникина, Юденича, Краснова, Врангеля и других?
(Вполне возможно, что среди причин, по которым большевики донельзя
обкорнали Армению, отрезав от нее в пользу Турции, Грузии и Азербайджана
(фактически - той же Турции) все возможное, не последнее место занимало
и это обстоятельство: они не могли и не простили Армении союзничество с
Белым движением и Антантой). И это в то время, когда большевики и эсеры
в ожесточенных перестрелках выясняли, кто из них больше предан "мировой
революции" и на каких условиях следует заключать Брестский мир. До сих
пор турки оправдывают учиненную кровавую бойню в Западной Армении,
называя ее "вынужденной депортацией" за приверженность армян Российской
империи.
Приведенные исторические события в контексте Армянского вопроса
вызывают обоснованное чувство досады, поскольку вынуждают оценивать
трагическое прошлое в сослагательном наклонении (если бы...), что
считается некорректным. Однако с точки зрения постулатов геополитики
устремления России в регионе Малой Азии остались прежними. Тенденции
России по освоению "Византийского наследства" совместно с
восточнохристианскими народами, а также восстановлению своего влияния на
Евразийском пространстве по всем признакам сохранились. Более того, эти
тенденции не могут угаснуть, поскольку геополитические тенденции нации и
государства обусловлены совокупностью объективных и постоянно
действующих внешних и внутренних факторов; временами они могут не
совпадать с программными установками отдельных партий, лоббирующих
группировок, политических доктрин и деятелей, однако результирующий
вектор поляризации, как правило, сохраняет свою прежнюю направленность
геополитических устремлений.
ПОСЛЕСЛОВИЕ. Данная статья компилятивная, составленная по
материалам русской прессы и российских аналитиков, в частности,
ВН-Аналитик. Мои добавления и отдельные комментарии не меняют общей
картины. Мы часто рассматриваем Армянский вопрос в отрыве от
геополитической и военной ситуации на Армянском нагорье, между тем как
при таком рассмотрении многое видится под другим углом. Материалы эти
интересны еще и тем, что свидетельствуют об идущей сегодня в России
серьезной "работе над ошибками", что неизбежно должно привести к
переосмыслению роли и места России в Закавказье, ее отношений с Турцией и
соседями по Закавказью.
И еще: не нам указывать, кого самим русским считать героями,
но для нас имена генералов Н.Н.Юденича, А.Н.Деникина, Врангеля должны
стоять рядом с именами их боевых соратников - генералов все той же
победоносной Кавказской армии М.Б.Силикяна, Т.О.Назарбекяна и других.
Для всех них понятия "честь" и "Родина" совпадали и были превыше всего.
Source: http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20405/society/26816/
Treaty of Kars: Denunciation of Soviet document will be a disaster for Turkey
Russia had never paid much attention to the Treaty of Kars, signed between the USSR and Turkey in October of 1921. Only once, in 1943, Joseph Stalin tried to eliminate the Kars agreements, but he met the stiff resistance from the anti-Hitler coalition. The question of a possible denunciation of the Treaty of Kars, hastily concluded as many other international agreements since the establishment of the Soviet regime, has been again raised in the social and political circles of Russia after the introduction of sanctions against Turkey in response to the destruction of the Russian Su-24 plane by the Turkish Air Force. Ankara does not understand all the complexity of the possible consequences, – says Armen Gasparyan, a Russian radio commentator, historian and publicist. “The denunciation will be a very big geopolitical catastrophe because the Turkish state, in the form in which it exists today, is largely the product of the Treaty of Kars. Ankara is the least prepared for the fact that someone in Russia will start to discuss the possible perspectives of the denunciation,” told RUSARMINFO Armen Gasparyan. The Russian historian thinks that in the line of Turkey’s current behavior, the denunciation of the Treaty of Kars can become a serious subject for discussions in the Russian society. “If this story begins to spin in Russia, I do not exclude that it will become a ticking time bomb. Since 1992, the contract to some extent has been discussed by Georgian politicians. Now, understandably, Russia has started to talk about it,”said Armen Gasparyan. Note: According to the Treaty of Kars, Turkey departed the territory of Armenia with a total area about 30 thousand square kilometers. The document does not have a statute of limitations. Yerevan has not ratified the Treaty of Kars and does not recognize the current border between Turkey and Armenia.
Source: http://rusarminfo.ru/treaty-of-kars-denunciation-of-soviet-document-will-be-a-disaster-for-turkey/
Russian politician calls on Armenia to liberate Western Armenia
Speaking on Russia 1TV this week, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, head of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, called on Putin’s government to support Armenians in liberating western territories long controlled by Turkey. “Armenians could do that in 1918 if Moscow supported them, but it [Moscow] was on the Turkish side,” Zhirinovsky said. “If we allow Armenians to liberate their western territories, they will be glad to do that,” he said. Zhirinovsky, a controversial ultra-nationalist politician, has a reputation for making bellicose – and often crude and vulgar – statements that have caused detractors to refer to him as the Clown Prince of Russian Politics. Among his tamer demands is that Russia forcibly take back Alaska because it would be “a great place to keep the Ukranians.” His outsider rhetoric, notwithstanding, Zhirinovsky and his party are seen as “an instrument of the Kremlin,” according to the Foreign Policy Journal, rarely diverging from the legislative proposals drafted by the “party of power."
Despite episodes of fistfights in the Russian legislative chamber or putting opponents in headlocks, Zhirinovsky is a colonel in the Russian army, vice-chairman of the lower house of Russia’s legislature, a member of the Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe, and founder and leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia since 1991. Zhirinovsky finished third in Russia’s first presidential election in 1991 and his party captured nearly 23 percent of the vote in 1993. His party’s platform is based on restoring the Russian empire. Zhirinovsky is a Turkologist by profession. Following the Armenian genocide of 1915, Turkey applied the name “Eastern Anatolia” to what had long been known as Western Armenia. It is that territory Zhirinovsky believes should be repatriated.
The politician also called on Russia to support the Kurds in their desire for independence from Turkey. “Kurds expect our support. If we tell the Kurds that we recognize their independence, their population reaches, as we know, to 20 million, and the capital is already known, it is Diyarbakir. Hence, Eastern Anatolia will cease to exist in the form we know. As a result, there will be independent Kurdistan and Great Armenia,” he said. Whether Zhirinovsky’s ultranationalist proposal will gather support remains to be seen, but another initiative by Russian lawmakers is certain to anger Turkey. Sergei Mironov, chairman of upper house of the Russian parliament, said Wednesday his party, Fair Russia, has submitted a bill “on holding to account” anyone who denies the 1915 killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turkish forces was “genocide.”
“We have just submitted a bill on responsibility for failure to acknowledge the fact of a genocide of Armenians by Turkey in 1915,” Mironov tweeted. Adding fuel to the fire, Russia’s State Duma has given support to the idea of Turkey returning Istanbul’s Hagia Sophia Cathedral to the Christian church, Reuters reported. Sergey Gavrilov, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) representative and coordinator of inter-faction deputy group on protecting Christian values, suggested Turkey do something tangible to restore good will following the shootdown of Russia’s jet.
“We expect from the Turkish side a friendly step – to return the Hagia Sophia Cathedral to the Christian church” said Gavrilov. “The Russian side is ready to participate materially, and also to engage the best Russian restorers and scientists to the restoration of the ecumenical Christian monument. This step would help Turkey and Islam to demonstrate that the good will is above politics.”
Source: http://www.wnd.com/2015/11/russian-politician-calls-on-armenia-to-liberate-territory/
– Vladimir Zhirinovsky (member of the Russian Parliament),
– Harut Sassounian (Publisher of The California Courier and President of Armenia Artsakh Fund),
– Armenia Futura,
– Sergey Smpatian (conductor).
Other honorees, some of whom could not be present, appeared by video or through a representative:
– Valerie Boyer (member of the French Parliament),
– Vigen Sargsyan (Armenian President’s Chief of Staff and Coordinator of Programs organized by the State Centennial Committee of the Armenian Genocide),
– Armenia’s Minister of Culture,
– Archbishop Ezras Nercessian (Primate of Moscow and Nor Nakhichevan),
– Serj Tankian (System of a Down),
– Rouben Vartanian (benefactor and businessman),
– Artur Janipekyan (Gazprom Media Holding),
– Ara Vartanyan (Hayastan All-Armenian Fund).
This
uplifting four-hour program was broadcast live by Armenia’s public
television to Armenian communities throughout the world. I am confident
that the 4,500 guests at the Kremlin Hall and millions of TV viewers
felt a renewed sense of determination to pursue their national goals
until their eventual realization.
Source: http://armenianweekly.com/2016/03/02/harut-kremlin-hall/#comment-742591
4,500 Guests Attend Special Armenian Genocide Program in Kremlin Hall
The 10th annual Armenian Music Awards (AMA) program was held on Feb. 27,
at the Kremlin’s Kevorkiev Hall in Moscow, with 4,500 guests in
attendance. Many of Armenia’s top stars entertained the large crowd with
patriotic songs and musical performances for more than four hours. This
year’s program, organized by Valeriy Saharyan, recognized the important
contributions made by 12 individuals and organizations on the occasion
of the Armenian Genocide Centennial, including:
– Vladimir Zhirinovsky (member of the Russian Parliament),
– Harut Sassounian (Publisher of The California Courier and President of Armenia Artsakh Fund),
– Armenia Futura,
– Sergey Smpatian (conductor).
Other honorees, some of whom could not be present, appeared by video or through a representative:
– Valerie Boyer (member of the French Parliament),
– Vigen Sargsyan (Armenian President’s Chief of Staff and Coordinator of Programs organized by the State Centennial Committee of the Armenian Genocide),
– Armenia’s Minister of Culture,
– Archbishop Ezras Nercessian (Primate of Moscow and Nor Nakhichevan),
– Serj Tankian (System of a Down),
– Rouben Vartanian (benefactor and businessman),
– Artur Janipekyan (Gazprom Media Holding),
– Ara Vartanyan (Hayastan All-Armenian Fund).
In receiving his award, Zhirinovsky had strong words for Turkey. Here are excerpts from his remarks:
“The day will come when Armenians will celebrate their festivals in the territory of liberated Western Armenia. That could be a festival bearing the name of your holy mountain—Mount Ararat—and could take place in Kars, Ardahan, Sassoun or Trabizon…. After the downing of the Russian jet, I would have ordered a powerful attack on Turkey. Today, very little would have remained of Turkey…. I wish the dream of Armenians worldwide would become a reality; that those who committed that horrible genocide on April 1915, during World War I, would be punished.”
Zhirinovsky
continued his aggressive words stating that Turkey attacked the
Armenians who “were living in their homeland, in their land. But the
Turks were nomads; their homeland is in Central Asia, in Tashkent. They
should go there and leave Anatolia to Armenians, Kurds, and Greeks. And
Constantinople should be a free city. Times are changing. It is possible
that shortly this would become a reality. Armenians, no one will bother
you. Therefore, the descendants of Western Armenia should prepare their
documents to get back their lost lands and properties. I am not talking
a lot of ‘hot air.’ I am convinced that Armenians will shortly
commemorate not the anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, but celebrate
the liberation of Western Armenia. And the Armenian flag will fly in
Kars, Ardahan, on Ararat, Sassoun, and Trabizon.”
I had a hard act to follow after Zhirinovsky’s powerful words. In accepting my award, I made the following brief remarks:
“Genocide is a monstrous crime which has no statutes of limitations. The Turkish government should well know that the Armenian nation will never give up its just rights. Although 100 years have passed, even if 1,000 years should pass, we will continue to demand, and struggle to regain everything that we lost. Turkey must return all our personal and communal properties—and more importantly—our historic lands of Western Armenia. In other words, we demand our confiscated possessions, and compensation for the murder of our 1.5 million holy martyrs.”
I then urged the audience not to despair:
“One hundred years ago, the powerful and vast Ottoman Empire collapsed and broke apart, turning into the Republic of Turkey within much smaller borders. With God’s help and our persistent efforts, I am convinced that the day will come when today’s Turkey would also collapse due to internal and external pressures. We must be prepared to take advantage of such an opportunity to liberate our historic lands. Until then, Armenia, Artsakh and the Diaspora should be united into one fist, so that our homeland would become a strong economic, political, and military power. Only such a powerful Armenia can take ownership of its just rights rather than begging for them.”
Source: http://armenianweekly.com/2016/03/02/harut-kremlin-hall/#comment-742591
Russian lawmakers suggest annulling 1921 treaty of friendship with Turkey
Members of Russia’s State Duma (lower house of parliament) Valery Rashkin and Sergei Obukhov (Communist Party faction) have sent a letter to the country’s leadership and the Foreign Ministry proposing to denounce the Moscow Treaty of Friendship and Brotherhood signed On March 16, 1921, by the government of Soviet Russia (RSFSR) and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, writes Russia’s Izvestia daily which has obtained the text of the letter. "We should consider a possibility of legal review of all Russian-Turkish agreements that are unfavorable for our country and its allies. Ankara must understand what the escalation of the conflict could be fraught with for it. Only this can bring it to earth and prevent it from carrying out new provocations," Obukhov told Izvestia. The initiative has been supported by the Just Russia faction. According to State Duma member Oleg Pakholkov, the Moscow treaty was signed to the detriment of Russia’s interests. Obukhov noted that "two of the three Transcaucasian republics - Georgia and Armenia - did not recognize the terms of the treaty considering it unfair." "One should realize that in 1921 the Bolshevik (Soviet) government was literally hanging by a single thread: the foreign intervention and civil war continued. Under those circumstances Soviet Russia could not speak from a position of strength and impose more favorable terms of the treaty on Turkey," the parliamentarian said. The newspaper notes that under the treaty "the former Kars region and the southern part of the former Batumi region that were part of the Russian Empire since 1878 as well as former Surmalin district of Erivan Governorate that was part of the Russian Empire since 1828 with Mount Ararat were ceded to Turkey."
Meershttp://tass.ru/en/politics/855155http://tass.ru/en/politics/855155uhttp://tass.ru/en/politics/855155rce:
Պուտինը կարող է վերադարձնել Արարատ լեռը
ՍՏԵՓԱՆԱԿԵՐՏ, նոյեմբերի 28, ԱՐՑԱԽՊՐԵՍ: 168.am-ի փոխանցմամբ, չճշտված տեղեկությունների համաձայն, որոնց հարկավոր է զգուշորեն վերաբերվել, անանուն աղբյուրները հայտնում են, որ «Ռուսաստանը պատրաստվում է խզել Կարսի ու Մոսկվայի պայմանագրերը, ինչի հետևանքով Թուրքիան կարող է զրկվել իր տարածքների մինչև 30 տոկոսից»,- գրում է Vesti.Lv-ն: Մոսկվայի պայմանագիրը ռուս-թուրքական պայմանագիր է «Բարեկամության ու եղբայրության» մասին, որը ստորագրվել է 1921թ. մարտի 16-ին Թուրքիայի Մեծ ազգային ժողովի կառավարության ու Ռուսաստանի Խորհրդային Սոցիալիստական Հանրապետության կառավարության միջև: Պայմանագրի համաձայն՝ հայկական Կարս ու Արդահան քաղաքներն անցան Թուրքիային: Արարատ լեռը նույնպես մնաց Թուրքիայի տարածքում: Պայմանագրի համաձայն՝ Ռուսաստանն այն երկարաձգում է յուրաքանչյուր 25 տարին մեկ, ու հիմա մոտենում է պայմանագրի հերթական ստորագրման ժամկետը, ինչը Ռուսաստանը կարող է օրինական հիմունքներով չկատարել: Այդ դեպքում Թուրքիան ստիպված կլինի հսկայական տարածքներ վերադարձնել: Նշվում է, որ այդ տարածքները Թուրքիայի կազմում մինչ օրս բնակեցված չեն 1853 -1923թթ. Հայոց ցեղասպանությունից հետո, քանի որ Թուրքիան միշտ դիտարկել է 20-րդ դարասկզբին օկուպացված տարածքները վերադարձնելու հնարավորությունը, ինչի պատճառով էլ այդտեղ չեն ուղղվում ներդրումներ ու բացակայում են ժամանակակից ենթակառուցվածքները:
Աղբյուր: http://artsakhpress.am/arm/news/32411/putiny-karox-e-veradardznel-ararat-lery-qartez.html
«Ժամանակ». Մոսկվան կարող է վերանայել Կարսի պայմանագիրը
«Ժամանակ» թերթը զրուցել է ռուս պատմաբան եւ քաղաքագետ, Մերձավոր Արեւելքի հարցերով փորձագետ Ստանիսլավ Տարասովի հետ:
Պարոն Տարասով, թուրքական օդուժի կողմից ռուսական «Սու-24» օդանավի կործանումը առաջացրեց բուռն աշխարհաքաղաքական զարգացումներ: Ձեր կարծիքով՝ որքանո՞վ է սա փոխում իրադրությունը տարածաշրջանում եւ ինչպե՞ս կազդի Հայաստանի վրա՝ այն իմաստով, որ Հայաստանը Ռուսաստանի դաշնակիցն է:
Իրավիճակն իսկապես փոխվում է, փլուզվում է Ադրբեջանի դաշինքը Թուրքիայի հետ, եւ Թուրքիայի դիրքերը կտրուկ թուլանում են տարածաշրջանում: Առաջինը՝ եթե նախկինում մենք շատ զգույշ էինք մոտենում Հայաստանին, Ղարաբաղին, չէինք ուզում փչացնել հարաբերությունները մյուս երկրների հետ, ինչ-որ ձեւով փորձում էինք հավասարակշռել, հիմա հասկանում ենք, որ Հայաստանը տարածաշրջանում Ռուսաստանի միակ դաշնակիցն է, եւ Հայաստանը՝ ներառյալ Ղարաբաղը, շատ լուրջ աջակցություն է ստանում իր պաշտպանությունը ամրապնդելու համար: Իսկ Ադրբեջանի դիրքերը կտրուկ թուլանում են:
Երկրորդը՝ այսօր շատ են քննարկում այն հարցը, թե Թուրքիան սադրանքների է դիմելու Հայաստանի սահմանին: Պետք է ասեմ, որ Թուրքիան ի վիճակի չէ դա անելու, քանի որ ներկայումս Թուրքիայի ողջ բանակը ՆԱՏՕ-ի հրամանով հսկում է թուրք-սիրիական սահմանը, իսկ Թուրքիայի՝ Հայաստանի հետ սահմանակցող արեւելյան շրջաններում թուրքական բանակի ներկայությունը խիստ թուլացել է՝ քուրդ զինյալների հետ բոլոր մարտերը պարտվելու պատճառով: Տվյալ պարագայում եթե այնտեղ հանկարծ որեւէ սպառնալիք առաջանա, ռուսական ռազմական խմբավորումը Հայաստանում, բնականաբար, կուժեղացվի, եւ ռուսական զորքերը հայկական բանակի հետ կկանգնեն սահմանին: Հայ ժողովուրդը չպետք է անհանգստանա:
Հատկանշական է, որ նախորդ շաբաթ Թուրքիայի արտգործնախարար Մեւլյութ Չավուշօղլուն գնաց Բաքու եւ հանդիպեց Ադրբեջանի նախագահի ու արտգործնախարարի հետ, եւ ռուսական մամուլում կարծիքներ հնչեցին, թե Թուրքիան կարող է Ադրբեջանին հրահրել սադրանքների Հայաստանի դեմ: Ինչպե՞ս կմեկնաբանեք սա:
Մենք գիտենք, որ դեկտեմբերի 3-ին Բաքու կայցելի նաեւ վարչապետ Դավութօղլուն: Սա կլինի նրա առաջին պաշտոնական այցը Թուրքիայի կառավարության կազմը հաստատելուց հետո: Նրանք կորցնում են Ադրբեջանը: Գիտեք, Չավուշօղլուն Բաքվում Ադրբեջանի արտգործնախարարի հետ զրույցում ասել է, որ իրենք կաջակցեն Ադրբեջանին «օկուպացված տարածքները ազատագրելու հարցում», ինչին ի պատասխան՝ Մամեդյարովն ասել է, թե «մեզ մոտ էլ Լավրովի ծրագրի նախագիծը կա», թեեւ իրականում Լավրովի ծրագիր պարզապես գոյություն չունի: Կրկնում եմ՝ Հայաստանի եւ Ղարաբաղի անվտանգության միջոցները շարունակվելու են ամրապնդվել, որովհետեւ այս իրադարձություններն, ըստ երեւույթին, երկար են շարունակվելու, եւ Ռուսաստանը կշարունակի ամրապնդել իր դիրքերը Անդրկովկասում: Իսկ այստեղ Հայաստանից բացի՝ ուրիշ դաշնակից չկա:
Դուք ասացիք, որ Թուրքիան կորցնում է Ադրբեջանը: Նկատի ունեք, որ Ադրբեջանը Ռուսաստանի եւ Թուրքիայի կոնֆլիկտում կանցնի Ռուսաստանի՞ կողմը:
Այո, նա ուրիշ ելք չունի. նա սեղմված է Ռուսաստանի եւ Իրանի միջեւ: Եթե նրանք այլ կերպ իրենց պահեն՝ թուրքի պես, այնպես, ինչպես իրեն պահեց Էրդողանը, Ադրբեջանին պարզապես կհոշոտեն:
Դիվանագիտական-քաղաքական հարթության վրա ռուսական կողմը սկսել է ակտիվորեն օգտագործել հայկական գործոնը Թուրքիայի դեմ: Այս իմաստով Թուրքիան կարո՞ղ է «ձիով քայլ» անել, օրինակ՝ վերսկսել թուրք-հայկական հաշտեցման գործընթացը:
Տեսեք, թե որն է խնդիրը. Հայաստանը, նախ, անկախ եւ ինքնուրույն պետություն է, երկրորդը՝ ՀԱՊԿ-ի, իսկ երրորդը՝ Եվրասիական միության անդամ է: Հայաստանի եւ Թուրքիայի սահմանը նաեւ Եվրամիության, Եվրասիական միության եւ ՀԱՊԿ-ի սահմանն է: Հասկանո՞ւմ եք: Այո, թուրքերը կարող են խաղարկել հայկական խաղաքարտը, հայտարարել՝ եկեք հաշտվենք, ստորագրենք, օրինակ, Ցյուրիխյան արձանագրությունները: Հայաստանը կարող է գնալ դրան, բայց կրկին հաշվի առնելով իր դաշնակիցների շահերը: Ես գրեթե 100 տոկոսով համոզված եմ, որ ինչ էլ հիմա թուրքերը առաջարկեն, հայերին դա ձեռնտու չէ, եւ նրանք չեն համաձայնվի:
Ընդհակառակը՝ Հայաստանի համար բացվում են նոր աշխարհաքաղաքական հեռանկարներ, որովհետեւ եթե իրականացվի ամերիկացիների քրդական նախագիծը, Հայաստանն այլեւս կսահմանակցի ոչ թե Թուրքիային, այլ Քրդական պետությանը: Այստեղ միայն Հայաստանի խնդիրը չէ: Կարող է սկսվել Թուրքիայի փլուզման գործընթացը: Թուրքիայի տարածքային ամբողջականության միակ երաշխավորը Պուտինն էր: Նա վստահում էր Էրդողանին, եւ վերջինս համարձակ էր գործում: Այժմ Էրդողանն այդ վստահությունը կորցրել է, եւ եթե Թուրքիան սկսեն պառակտել, Ռուսաստանը ձայն չի հանի: Աշխարհաքաղաքական փոփոխությունները սկսվելու դեպքում կփոխվի Թուրքիայի հետ սահմանային ռեժիմը: Իր ուժը կարող են կորցնել Մոսկվայի եւ Կարսի պայմանագրերը, եւ առաջ կգա Նախիջեւանի խնդիրը: Համենայնդեպս, հիմա շատ փորձագետներ կարծում են, որ Թուրքիան կփորձի օկուպացնել Նախիջեւանը, ոչ թե ճնշում գործադրել Հայաստանի վրա: Խնդիրն այն է, որ Նախիջեւանը սահմանակից է Իրանին, որը Ռուսաստանի դաշնակիցն է եւ թույլ չի տա Թուրքիային այդ քայլն անել: Իսկ Հայաստանի տարածաշրջանային եւ գլոբալ դիրքերը այժմ օբյեկտիվորեն սկսել են ամրապնդվել»:
Պարոն Տարասով, թուրքական օդուժի կողմից ռուսական «Սու-24» օդանավի կործանումը առաջացրեց բուռն աշխարհաքաղաքական զարգացումներ: Ձեր կարծիքով՝ որքանո՞վ է սա փոխում իրադրությունը տարածաշրջանում եւ ինչպե՞ս կազդի Հայաստանի վրա՝ այն իմաստով, որ Հայաստանը Ռուսաստանի դաշնակիցն է:
Իրավիճակն իսկապես փոխվում է, փլուզվում է Ադրբեջանի դաշինքը Թուրքիայի հետ, եւ Թուրքիայի դիրքերը կտրուկ թուլանում են տարածաշրջանում: Առաջինը՝ եթե նախկինում մենք շատ զգույշ էինք մոտենում Հայաստանին, Ղարաբաղին, չէինք ուզում փչացնել հարաբերությունները մյուս երկրների հետ, ինչ-որ ձեւով փորձում էինք հավասարակշռել, հիմա հասկանում ենք, որ Հայաստանը տարածաշրջանում Ռուսաստանի միակ դաշնակիցն է, եւ Հայաստանը՝ ներառյալ Ղարաբաղը, շատ լուրջ աջակցություն է ստանում իր պաշտպանությունը ամրապնդելու համար: Իսկ Ադրբեջանի դիրքերը կտրուկ թուլանում են:
Երկրորդը՝ այսօր շատ են քննարկում այն հարցը, թե Թուրքիան սադրանքների է դիմելու Հայաստանի սահմանին: Պետք է ասեմ, որ Թուրքիան ի վիճակի չէ դա անելու, քանի որ ներկայումս Թուրքիայի ողջ բանակը ՆԱՏՕ-ի հրամանով հսկում է թուրք-սիրիական սահմանը, իսկ Թուրքիայի՝ Հայաստանի հետ սահմանակցող արեւելյան շրջաններում թուրքական բանակի ներկայությունը խիստ թուլացել է՝ քուրդ զինյալների հետ բոլոր մարտերը պարտվելու պատճառով: Տվյալ պարագայում եթե այնտեղ հանկարծ որեւէ սպառնալիք առաջանա, ռուսական ռազմական խմբավորումը Հայաստանում, բնականաբար, կուժեղացվի, եւ ռուսական զորքերը հայկական բանակի հետ կկանգնեն սահմանին: Հայ ժողովուրդը չպետք է անհանգստանա:
Հատկանշական է, որ նախորդ շաբաթ Թուրքիայի արտգործնախարար Մեւլյութ Չավուշօղլուն գնաց Բաքու եւ հանդիպեց Ադրբեջանի նախագահի ու արտգործնախարարի հետ, եւ ռուսական մամուլում կարծիքներ հնչեցին, թե Թուրքիան կարող է Ադրբեջանին հրահրել սադրանքների Հայաստանի դեմ: Ինչպե՞ս կմեկնաբանեք սա:
Մենք գիտենք, որ դեկտեմբերի 3-ին Բաքու կայցելի նաեւ վարչապետ Դավութօղլուն: Սա կլինի նրա առաջին պաշտոնական այցը Թուրքիայի կառավարության կազմը հաստատելուց հետո: Նրանք կորցնում են Ադրբեջանը: Գիտեք, Չավուշօղլուն Բաքվում Ադրբեջանի արտգործնախարարի հետ զրույցում ասել է, որ իրենք կաջակցեն Ադրբեջանին «օկուպացված տարածքները ազատագրելու հարցում», ինչին ի պատասխան՝ Մամեդյարովն ասել է, թե «մեզ մոտ էլ Լավրովի ծրագրի նախագիծը կա», թեեւ իրականում Լավրովի ծրագիր պարզապես գոյություն չունի: Կրկնում եմ՝ Հայաստանի եւ Ղարաբաղի անվտանգության միջոցները շարունակվելու են ամրապնդվել, որովհետեւ այս իրադարձություններն, ըստ երեւույթին, երկար են շարունակվելու, եւ Ռուսաստանը կշարունակի ամրապնդել իր դիրքերը Անդրկովկասում: Իսկ այստեղ Հայաստանից բացի՝ ուրիշ դաշնակից չկա:
Դուք ասացիք, որ Թուրքիան կորցնում է Ադրբեջանը: Նկատի ունեք, որ Ադրբեջանը Ռուսաստանի եւ Թուրքիայի կոնֆլիկտում կանցնի Ռուսաստանի՞ կողմը:
Այո, նա ուրիշ ելք չունի. նա սեղմված է Ռուսաստանի եւ Իրանի միջեւ: Եթե նրանք այլ կերպ իրենց պահեն՝ թուրքի պես, այնպես, ինչպես իրեն պահեց Էրդողանը, Ադրբեջանին պարզապես կհոշոտեն:
Դիվանագիտական-քաղաքական հարթության վրա ռուսական կողմը սկսել է ակտիվորեն օգտագործել հայկական գործոնը Թուրքիայի դեմ: Այս իմաստով Թուրքիան կարո՞ղ է «ձիով քայլ» անել, օրինակ՝ վերսկսել թուրք-հայկական հաշտեցման գործընթացը:
Տեսեք, թե որն է խնդիրը. Հայաստանը, նախ, անկախ եւ ինքնուրույն պետություն է, երկրորդը՝ ՀԱՊԿ-ի, իսկ երրորդը՝ Եվրասիական միության անդամ է: Հայաստանի եւ Թուրքիայի սահմանը նաեւ Եվրամիության, Եվրասիական միության եւ ՀԱՊԿ-ի սահմանն է: Հասկանո՞ւմ եք: Այո, թուրքերը կարող են խաղարկել հայկական խաղաքարտը, հայտարարել՝ եկեք հաշտվենք, ստորագրենք, օրինակ, Ցյուրիխյան արձանագրությունները: Հայաստանը կարող է գնալ դրան, բայց կրկին հաշվի առնելով իր դաշնակիցների շահերը: Ես գրեթե 100 տոկոսով համոզված եմ, որ ինչ էլ հիմա թուրքերը առաջարկեն, հայերին դա ձեռնտու չէ, եւ նրանք չեն համաձայնվի:
Ընդհակառակը՝ Հայաստանի համար բացվում են նոր աշխարհաքաղաքական հեռանկարներ, որովհետեւ եթե իրականացվի ամերիկացիների քրդական նախագիծը, Հայաստանն այլեւս կսահմանակցի ոչ թե Թուրքիային, այլ Քրդական պետությանը: Այստեղ միայն Հայաստանի խնդիրը չէ: Կարող է սկսվել Թուրքիայի փլուզման գործընթացը: Թուրքիայի տարածքային ամբողջականության միակ երաշխավորը Պուտինն էր: Նա վստահում էր Էրդողանին, եւ վերջինս համարձակ էր գործում: Այժմ Էրդողանն այդ վստահությունը կորցրել է, եւ եթե Թուրքիան սկսեն պառակտել, Ռուսաստանը ձայն չի հանի: Աշխարհաքաղաքական փոփոխությունները սկսվելու դեպքում կփոխվի Թուրքիայի հետ սահմանային ռեժիմը: Իր ուժը կարող են կորցնել Մոսկվայի եւ Կարսի պայմանագրերը, եւ առաջ կգա Նախիջեւանի խնդիրը: Համենայնդեպս, հիմա շատ փորձագետներ կարծում են, որ Թուրքիան կփորձի օկուպացնել Նախիջեւանը, ոչ թե ճնշում գործադրել Հայաստանի վրա: Խնդիրն այն է, որ Նախիջեւանը սահմանակից է Իրանին, որը Ռուսաստանի դաշնակիցն է եւ թույլ չի տա Թուրքիային այդ քայլն անել: Իսկ Հայաստանի տարածաշրջանային եւ գլոբալ դիրքերը այժմ օբյեկտիվորեն սկսել են ամրապնդվել»:
Աղբյուր: http://news.am/arm/news/299458.html
Historical context -
Russian-Turkish Wars
Russo-Turkish wars, series of wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire
in the 17th–19th century. The wars reflected the decline of the Ottoman
Empire and resulted in the gradual southward extension of Russia’s
frontier and influence into Ottoman territory. The wars took place in
1676–81, 1687, 1689, 1695–96, 1710–12 (part of the Great Northern War),
1735–39, 1768–74, 1787–91, 1806–12, 1828–29, 1853–56 (part of the
Crimean War), and 1877–78. As a result of these wars, Russia was able to
extend its European frontiers southward to the Black Sea, southwestward to the Prut River, and south of the Caucasus Mountains in Asia.
The early Russo-Turkish Wars were mostly sparked by Russia’s attempts to establish a warm-water port on the Black Sea, which lay in Turkish hands. The first war (1676–81) was fought without success in Ukraine west of the Dnieper River by Russia, which renewed the war with failed invasions of the Crimea in 1687 and 1689. In the war of 1695–96, the Russian tsar Peter I the Great’s forces succeeded in capturing the fortress of Azov. In 1710 Turkey entered the Northern War against Russia, and after Peter the Great’s attempt to liberate the Balkans from Ottoman rule ended in defeat at the Prut River (1711), he was forced to return Azov to Turkey. War again broke out in 1735, with Russia and Austria in alliance against Turkey. The Russians successfully invaded Turkish-held Moldavia, but their Austrian allies were defeated in the field, and as a result the Russians obtained almost nothing in the Treaty of Belgrade (Sept. 18, 1739).
The first major Russo-Turkish War (1768–74) began after Turkey demanded that Russia’s ruler, Catherine II the Great, abstain from interfering in Poland’s internal affairs. The Russians went on to win impressive victories over the Turks. They captured Azov, the Crimea, and Bessarabia, and under Field Marshal P.A. Rumyantsev they overran Moldavia and also defeated the Turks in Bulgaria. The Turks were compelled to seek peace, which was concluded in the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (July 21, 1774). This treaty made the Crimean khanate independent of the Turkish sultan; advanced the Russian frontier southward to the Southern (Pivdennyy) Buh River; gave Russia the right to maintain a fleet on the Black Sea; and assigned Russia vague rights of protection over the Ottoman sultan’s Christian subjects throughout the Balkans.
Russia was now in a much stronger position to expand, and in 1783 Catherine annexed the Crimean Peninsula outright. War broke out in 1787, with Austria again on the side of Russia (until 1791). Under General A.V. Suvorov, the Russians won several victories that gave them control of the lower Dniester and Danube rivers, and further Russian successes compelled the Turks to sign the Treaty of Jassy (Iaşi) on Jan. 9, 1792. By this treaty Turkey ceded the entire western Ukrainian Black Sea coast (from the Kerch Strait westward to the mouth of the Dniester) to Russia.
When Turkey deposed the Russophile governors of Moldavia and Walachia in 1806, war broke out again, though in a desultory fashion, since Russia was reluctant to concentrate large forces against Turkey while its relations with Napoleonic France were so uncertain. But in 1811, with the prospect of a Franco-Russian war in sight, Russia sought a quick decision on its southern frontier. The Russian field marshal M.I. Kutuzov’s victorious campaign of 1811–12 forced the Turks to cede Bessarabia to Russia by the Treaty of Bucharest (May 28, 1812).
Russia had by now secured the entire northern coast of the Black Sea. Its subsequent wars with Turkey were fought to gain influence in the Ottoman Balkans, win control of the Dardanelles and Bosporus straits, and expand into the Caucasus. The Greeks’ struggle for independence sparked the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–29, in which Russian forces advanced into Bulgaria, the Caucasus, and northeastern Anatolia itself before the Turks sued for peace. The resulting Treaty of Edirne (Sept. 14, 1829) gave Russia most of the eastern shore of the Black Sea, and Turkey recognized Russian sovereignty over Georgia and parts of present-day Armenia.
The war of 1853–56, known as the Crimean War, began after the Russian emperor Nicholas I tried to obtain further concessions from Turkey. Great Britain and France entered the conflict on Turkey’s side in 1854, however, and the Treaty of Paris (March 30, 1856) that ended the war was a serious diplomatic setback for Russia, though involving few territorial concessions.
The last Russo-Turkish War (1877–78) was also the most important one. In 1877 Russia and its ally Serbia came to the aid of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bulgaria in their rebellions against Turkish rule. The Russians attacked through Bulgaria, and after successfully concluding the Siege of Pleven they advanced into Thrace, taking Adrianople (now Edirne, Tur.) in January 1878. In March of that year Russia concluded the Treaty of San Stefano with Turkey. This treaty freed Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro from Turkish rule, gave autonomy to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and created a huge autonomous Bulgaria under Russian protection. Britain and Austria-Hungary, alarmed by the Russian gains contained in the treaty, compelled Russia to accept the Treaty of Berlin (July 1878), whereby Russia’s military-political gains from the war were severely restricted.
The early Russo-Turkish Wars were mostly sparked by Russia’s attempts to establish a warm-water port on the Black Sea, which lay in Turkish hands. The first war (1676–81) was fought without success in Ukraine west of the Dnieper River by Russia, which renewed the war with failed invasions of the Crimea in 1687 and 1689. In the war of 1695–96, the Russian tsar Peter I the Great’s forces succeeded in capturing the fortress of Azov. In 1710 Turkey entered the Northern War against Russia, and after Peter the Great’s attempt to liberate the Balkans from Ottoman rule ended in defeat at the Prut River (1711), he was forced to return Azov to Turkey. War again broke out in 1735, with Russia and Austria in alliance against Turkey. The Russians successfully invaded Turkish-held Moldavia, but their Austrian allies were defeated in the field, and as a result the Russians obtained almost nothing in the Treaty of Belgrade (Sept. 18, 1739).
The first major Russo-Turkish War (1768–74) began after Turkey demanded that Russia’s ruler, Catherine II the Great, abstain from interfering in Poland’s internal affairs. The Russians went on to win impressive victories over the Turks. They captured Azov, the Crimea, and Bessarabia, and under Field Marshal P.A. Rumyantsev they overran Moldavia and also defeated the Turks in Bulgaria. The Turks were compelled to seek peace, which was concluded in the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (July 21, 1774). This treaty made the Crimean khanate independent of the Turkish sultan; advanced the Russian frontier southward to the Southern (Pivdennyy) Buh River; gave Russia the right to maintain a fleet on the Black Sea; and assigned Russia vague rights of protection over the Ottoman sultan’s Christian subjects throughout the Balkans.
Russia was now in a much stronger position to expand, and in 1783 Catherine annexed the Crimean Peninsula outright. War broke out in 1787, with Austria again on the side of Russia (until 1791). Under General A.V. Suvorov, the Russians won several victories that gave them control of the lower Dniester and Danube rivers, and further Russian successes compelled the Turks to sign the Treaty of Jassy (Iaşi) on Jan. 9, 1792. By this treaty Turkey ceded the entire western Ukrainian Black Sea coast (from the Kerch Strait westward to the mouth of the Dniester) to Russia.
When Turkey deposed the Russophile governors of Moldavia and Walachia in 1806, war broke out again, though in a desultory fashion, since Russia was reluctant to concentrate large forces against Turkey while its relations with Napoleonic France were so uncertain. But in 1811, with the prospect of a Franco-Russian war in sight, Russia sought a quick decision on its southern frontier. The Russian field marshal M.I. Kutuzov’s victorious campaign of 1811–12 forced the Turks to cede Bessarabia to Russia by the Treaty of Bucharest (May 28, 1812).
Russia had by now secured the entire northern coast of the Black Sea. Its subsequent wars with Turkey were fought to gain influence in the Ottoman Balkans, win control of the Dardanelles and Bosporus straits, and expand into the Caucasus. The Greeks’ struggle for independence sparked the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–29, in which Russian forces advanced into Bulgaria, the Caucasus, and northeastern Anatolia itself before the Turks sued for peace. The resulting Treaty of Edirne (Sept. 14, 1829) gave Russia most of the eastern shore of the Black Sea, and Turkey recognized Russian sovereignty over Georgia and parts of present-day Armenia.
The war of 1853–56, known as the Crimean War, began after the Russian emperor Nicholas I tried to obtain further concessions from Turkey. Great Britain and France entered the conflict on Turkey’s side in 1854, however, and the Treaty of Paris (March 30, 1856) that ended the war was a serious diplomatic setback for Russia, though involving few territorial concessions.
The last Russo-Turkish War (1877–78) was also the most important one. In 1877 Russia and its ally Serbia came to the aid of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bulgaria in their rebellions against Turkish rule. The Russians attacked through Bulgaria, and after successfully concluding the Siege of Pleven they advanced into Thrace, taking Adrianople (now Edirne, Tur.) in January 1878. In March of that year Russia concluded the Treaty of San Stefano with Turkey. This treaty freed Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro from Turkish rule, gave autonomy to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and created a huge autonomous Bulgaria under Russian protection. Britain and Austria-Hungary, alarmed by the Russian gains contained in the treaty, compelled Russia to accept the Treaty of Berlin (July 1878), whereby Russia’s military-political gains from the war were severely restricted.
Source: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/514064/Russo-Turkish-wars
Russian-Persian War
Disputes over territories along the southwestern coast of the Caspian
Sea and in the eastern Transcaucasus led to war between Russia and
Persia from 1804 to 1813 and again from 1826 to 1828. The military
conflict between the two empires was nothing new, but it entered a more
decisive stage with the dawning of the nineteenth century. At the root
of the first Russo-Persian War was the desire of Shah Fath Ali to secure
his northwestern territories in the name of the Qajar dynasty. At the
time, Persia's claims to Karabakh, Shirvan, Talesh, and Shakki seemed
precarious in the wake of Russia's annexation in 1801 of the former
kingdom of Georgia, also claimed by Persia. Meanwhile, Russia
consolidated this acquisition and resumed its military penetration of
border territories constituting parts of modern Azerbaijan and Armenia,
with the objective of extending its imperial frontiers to the Aras and
Kura rivers.
War broke out when Prince Paul Tsitsianov marched to Echmiadzin at the head of a column of Russian, Georgian, and Armenian troops. The outnumbered Russian army was unable to overcome the town's stubborn defense and several weeks later also unsuccessfully besieged Yerevan. Throughout the war, the Russians generally had the strategic initiative but lacked the strength to crush the Persian resistance. Able to commit only about ten thousand troops, a fraction of their total force in the Caucasus, the Russian commanders relied on superior tactics and weapons to overcome a numerical disadvantage of as much as five to one. Overlapping wars with Napoleonic France, Turkey (1806–1812), and Sweden (1808–1809), as well as sporadic tribal uprisings in the Caucasus, distracted the tsar's attention. Yet state-supported, centralized military organization provided Russian columns with considerable combat power. In contrast, the Persian forces were largely irregular cavalry raised and organized on a tribal basis. Abbas Mirza, heir to the throne, sought French and British instructors to modernize his army, and resorted to a guerrilla strategy that delayed the Persian defeat.
In 1810, the Persians proclaimed a holy war, but this had little effect on the eventual outcome. The Russian victories at Aslandaz in 1812 and Lankarin in 1813 sealed the verdict in Russia's favor. Under the Treaty of Golestan, Russia obtained most of the disputed territories, including Dagestan and northern Azerbaijan, and reduced the local khans to the status of vassals.
Another war between Russia and Persia broke out in 1826 following the death of Alexander I and the subsequent Decembrist revolt. Sensing opportunity, the Persians invaded in July at the instigation of Abbas Mirza, and even won some early victories against the outnumbered forces of General Alexei Yermolov, whose appeals to St. Petersburg for reinforcements went unfulfilled. With only twelve regular battalions, the Russians effectively delayed the Persian advance. A contingent of about eighteen hundred, for instance, held the strategic fortress at Shusha against a greatly superior force. On September 12, a Persian army under the personal command of Abbas Mirza was defeated at Yelizabetpol. In the spring of 1827, the Russian command passed to General Ivan Paskevich. He captured Yerevan at the end of September and crossed the Aras River to seize Tabriz. In November, Abbas Mirza reluctantly submitted. Under the Treaty of Torkamanchay (February 1828), Persia ceded Yerevan and all the territory up to the Aras River and paid a twenty million ruble indemnity.
Source: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3404101165.html
War broke out when Prince Paul Tsitsianov marched to Echmiadzin at the head of a column of Russian, Georgian, and Armenian troops. The outnumbered Russian army was unable to overcome the town's stubborn defense and several weeks later also unsuccessfully besieged Yerevan. Throughout the war, the Russians generally had the strategic initiative but lacked the strength to crush the Persian resistance. Able to commit only about ten thousand troops, a fraction of their total force in the Caucasus, the Russian commanders relied on superior tactics and weapons to overcome a numerical disadvantage of as much as five to one. Overlapping wars with Napoleonic France, Turkey (1806–1812), and Sweden (1808–1809), as well as sporadic tribal uprisings in the Caucasus, distracted the tsar's attention. Yet state-supported, centralized military organization provided Russian columns with considerable combat power. In contrast, the Persian forces were largely irregular cavalry raised and organized on a tribal basis. Abbas Mirza, heir to the throne, sought French and British instructors to modernize his army, and resorted to a guerrilla strategy that delayed the Persian defeat.
In 1810, the Persians proclaimed a holy war, but this had little effect on the eventual outcome. The Russian victories at Aslandaz in 1812 and Lankarin in 1813 sealed the verdict in Russia's favor. Under the Treaty of Golestan, Russia obtained most of the disputed territories, including Dagestan and northern Azerbaijan, and reduced the local khans to the status of vassals.
Another war between Russia and Persia broke out in 1826 following the death of Alexander I and the subsequent Decembrist revolt. Sensing opportunity, the Persians invaded in July at the instigation of Abbas Mirza, and even won some early victories against the outnumbered forces of General Alexei Yermolov, whose appeals to St. Petersburg for reinforcements went unfulfilled. With only twelve regular battalions, the Russians effectively delayed the Persian advance. A contingent of about eighteen hundred, for instance, held the strategic fortress at Shusha against a greatly superior force. On September 12, a Persian army under the personal command of Abbas Mirza was defeated at Yelizabetpol. In the spring of 1827, the Russian command passed to General Ivan Paskevich. He captured Yerevan at the end of September and crossed the Aras River to seize Tabriz. In November, Abbas Mirza reluctantly submitted. Under the Treaty of Torkamanchay (February 1828), Persia ceded Yerevan and all the territory up to the Aras River and paid a twenty million ruble indemnity.
Source: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3404101165.html
How the rivalry between Russians and Turks shaped the world
It's a tense moment for relations between Russia and Turkey. Moscow's intervention into the conflict in Syria, almost explicitly on behalf of the embattled regime of President Bashar al-Assad, has infuriated Ankara, which for years has led international calls for Assad's departure. The situation grew darker following reports of Russian fighter jets violating Turkish airspace earlier this week. "An attack on Turkey means an attack on NATO," said Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose country possesses the second largest army in the NATO military alliance. Erdogan warned the Kremlin that its relationship with Turkey was in peril.
"Our positive relationship with Russia is known," he said. "But if Russia loses a friend like Turkey, with whom it has been cooperating on many issues, it will lose a lot, and it should know that."
"Our positive relationship with Russia is known," he said. "But if Russia loses a friend like Turkey, with whom it has been cooperating on many issues, it will lose a lot, and it should know that."
The thinly veiled warning is a glimpse of the scale of the current crisis. In recent years, the two countries have shared reasonably close ties, anchored in energy interests. Erdogan's political style, meanwhile, has a great deal in common with that of Russian President Vladimir Putin. But there is a long, profound history of unease between Russian and Turkish rulers. During the Cold War, Turkey was a heavily armed NATO bulwark in the shadow of the Soviet empire. And well before the advent of the U.S.S.R. and the modern Turkish republic, the jockeying between Russians and Turks had a huge impact on the political fate of a vast sweep of Europe and the Middle East.
Wars, deportations, and the specter of genocide
In the 18th and 19th centuries, the expansionist Russian empire and the Ottomans fought myriad wars. They largely resulted in Ottoman setbacks, with the Russians wresting control of the northern rim of the Black Sea and chipping away at Ottoman domains in Eastern Europe and the Balkans. The Crimean War, a bloody, brutal conflict in the 1850s, brought in an alliance of European powers in defense of the Ottomans and saw the continent's first chilling encounter with the horrors of large-scale trench warfare. The rulers of both empires saw themselves as standard bearers of civilizations -- the Ottomans as the seat of Islam, the Russians as the champions of the Orthodox Church and the redeemers, even, of the legacy of the ancient Byzantines. The czars in Moscow coveted Istanbul, and saw in its conquest a pathway to the warm waters of the Mediterranean and suzerainty over the Holy Lands.
That never came to pass, but a lot else did. Russian campaigns in the Caucasus and lands around the Black Sea saw the massacre and mass deportations of populations of Turkic Muslims. In 1864, for example, Russian forces carried out what some have deemed "the first modern genocide on European soil" after they seized the lands of the Circassians -- which include the area around Sochi where Russia staged last year's Winter Olympics. Tens of thousands of Circassians were systematically butchered; countless others died of starvation or cold as they trekked into exile. Some accounts suggest as many as a million -- half of the ethnic group's total population -- died at the time. Now, up to 5 million Turks claim some form of Circassian or other Caucasian heritage. It worked in the other direction, as well. Most infamously, as World War I raged, the Ottomans carried out mass deportations and killings of the empire's Armenians, the vast majority of whom lived in what is now central and eastern Turkey. Fearing this community of Christians to be a potential Russian fifth column, Ottoman leaders gave orders for their removal from their homelands. WorldViews documented the scale of the tragedy that took place beginning in 1915, which saw countless Armenians executed, raped and forced into grim death marches into the desert. Scholars, international organizations and a host of Western governments all believe the atrocities amount to genocide. An estimated 5 million Ottoman civilians perished between 1914 and 1922, casualties of the upheavals that surrounded the empire's implosion. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians eventually escaped to Russian lands, some settling in what is now modern-day Armenia -- once a part of the Ottoman Empire that, until the 19th century, was largely Muslim.
The birth of nations
In the 19th century, Russia played a prominent role in fomenting nationalism in parts of Eastern Europe and the Balkans once lorded over by the Muslim Ottomans. Russia had a hand in a number of prominent 19th century liberation movements -- from Greece to Serbia to Bulgaria. That was a role that led it into a geopolitical competition with the Austro-Hungarian empire, tensions that would eventually flare into World War I. The wars that flared in the late 19th century, including the seismic Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 and the later Balkan wars that preceded World War I, made clearer the borders of Eastern Europe's future nation-states. It also saw massive population displacements, the exodus of Christian, Jewish, and Muslim refugees in various directions, and the collapse of the fragile cosmopolitanism that once characterized parts of the Ottoman Empire, especially its port cities.
The map of the Middle East
The political map of the modern Middle East is considered to be the product of French and British scheming in the aftermath of World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. But Russia played its part as well, assenting to the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement upon whose lines the boundaries of the region are partially (but not entirely) drawn. The Bolshevik revolution voided some of the commitments made to Moscow -- which included control over Istanbul as well as a mandate for eastern Anatolia. But British and French strategists at the time were fully aware of the shadow of Russia, and arrayed their spheres of influence accordingly. The Arab states that eventually emerged have all grappled with their own dysfunctions--challenges of governance, identity and ethnicity that still carry the seeds of far older conflicts.
When the West wanted Islam to curb Christian extremism
The tiresome debate
over whether Islam is somehow more violent than other religions
unfortunately won't go away. Recent spats between outspoken commentator
Reza Aslan, TV host Bill Maher and neuroscientist Sam Harris -- who said
on Maher's show that Islam was "the mother lode of bad ideas" -- have launched a thousand blog posts and vitriolic tweets. Writing last week in The Washington Post's opinion pages,
Fareed Zakaria acknowledged the existence of an unpleasant level of
intolerance in some Muslim-majority countries, but stressed such
societal ills can't be laid at the feet of a whole religion. "So, the
strategy to reform Islam," Zakaria asks Maher, Harris and their
supporters, "is to tell 1.6 billion Muslims, most of whom are pious and
devout, that their religion is evil and they should stop taking it
seriously?"
The backdrop to this conversation is the
U.S.-led war effort against the extremist militants of the Islamic
State, as well as the continued threat of terrorist groups elsewhere
that subscribe to certain puritanical forms of Islam. Their streak of
fundamentalism is, for the West, the bogeyman of the moment. But many argue it has little to do with Islam, writ large. In
any case, Islam and those who practice it were not always perceived to
be such a cultural threat. Just a few decades ago, the U.S. and its
allies in the West had no qualms about abetting Islamist militants in
their battles with the Soviets in Afghanistan. Look even further, and
there was a time when a vocal constituency in the West saw the community
of Islam as a direct, ideological counter to a mutual enemy.
Turn
back to the 1830s. An influential group of officials in Britain -- then
the most powerful empire in the West, with a professed belief in
liberal values and free trade -- was growing increasingly concerned
about the expanding might of Russia. From Central Asia to the Black Sea,
Russia's newly won domains were casting a shadow over British colonial
interests in India and the Middle East. The potential Russian capture of
Istanbul, capital of the weakening Ottoman Empire, would mean Russia's
navy would have free access to the Mediterranean Sea--an almost
unthinkable prospect for Britain and other European powers. And so, among diplomats and in the press, a Russophobic narrative
began to emerge. It was ideological, a clash of civilizations. After
all, beginning with the Catherine the Great in the late 18th century,
the Russians had framed their own conquests in religious terms: to
reclaim Istanbul, once the center of Orthodox Christianity, and, as one
of her favorite court poets put it, "advance through a Crusade" to the Holy Lands and "purify the river Jordan."
That
sort of Christian zeal won little sympathy among other non-Orthodox
Christians. Jerusalem in the 19th century was still the site of
acrimonious street battles between Christian sects, policed by the
exasperated Ottomans. Russian Orthodox proselytizing of Catholics in
Poland infuriated European Catholic nations further west, such as France. Baron
Ponsonby, the British ambassador to Istanbul for much of the 1830s,
decided the job of thwarting Russian expansionism was a "Holy Cause." An
article in the "British and Foreign Review" pamphlet, circulated in
Britain in 1836, saw the Ottomans as "the only bulwark of Europe against Muscovy, of civilization against barbarism." Russia represented, in some accounts,
a backward, superstitious society where peasants still labored in
semi-slavery and monarchs ruled as tyrants, unchallenged by parliaments
and liberal sentiment. The Ottomans, who were embarking on their own
process of reform, looked favorable in comparison.
David Urquhart, an enterprising agent who served a spell with Ponsonby in Istanbul, became one of the most energetic champions of the Ottoman cause and Islamic culture in British policy circles. His writings on the threat of Russia shaped the opinions of many in Britain at the time, including a certain Karl Marx. And Urquhart's time spent among the tribes of the northern Caucasus set the stage for decades of romantic European idealizing of the rugged Muslim fighters in Russia's shadow. Urquhart returned
from his travels in Turkey and elsewhere convinced that the Ottoman
lifestyle was better for one's health. "If London were [Muslim]," he wrote,
"the population would bathe regularly, have a better-dressed dinner for
[its] money, and prefer water to wine or brandy, gin or beer." He would
later launch a largely unsuccessful movement to bring the culture of Turkish baths to the cold damp of Victorian Britain.
Casting
his eye to the territories the Ottomans controlled, Urquhart praised
the empire's rule over a host of Christian communities and other sects
-- for example, the warring Druze and Maronites in the Levant, or
feuding Greek Orthodox and Armenians. In a passage cited by the
historian Orlando Figes in his excellent history of the Crimean War, Urquhart credits Islam under the Ottomans as a specifically "tolerant, moderating force":
What traveler has not observed the fanaticism, the antipathy of all these [Christian] sects – their hostility to each other? Who has traced their actual repose to the toleration of Islamism? Islamism, calm, absorbed, without spirit of dogma, or views of proselytism, imposes at present on the other creeds the reserve and silence which characterize itself. But let this moderator be removed, and the humble professions now confined to the sanctuary would be proclaimed in the court and the military camp; political power and political enmity would combine with religious domination and religious animosity; the empire would be deluged in blood, until a nervous arm – the arm of Russia – appears to restore harmony, by despotism.
Flash forward to 2014, and the conversation has curiously flipped: Pundits bluster about the centuries-old war between Sunnis and Shiites. Christians are a persecuted, beleaguered people in the Middle East. Without ruthless strongmen aligned with the West, we're told, the Muslim world would descend into a chaotic bloodbath where terrorist organizations would gain sway.
The
history lesson above is not meant to denigrate the Russians and praise
the Ottomans, an empire that was guilty of many of its own misdeeds and
slaughters. Urquhart himself had plenty of detractors and opponents back
home, particularly those who wanted Britain to be less openly
antagonistic toward Russia. (Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Britain and
France eventually engaged in the largely pointless and very bloody Crimean War in the 1850s.) But it goes to show how much the politics of an era shape its conversation about cultures and
One Hundred Years of Competition: History of Russo-Turkish Relations
To those who know Russian history, Ankara's hostile move in Syria has come as no surprise: over the past hundred years Turkey and Russia have been involved in a longstanding geopolitical competition.
Incredible as it may seem it was Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany who urged Sultan Mehmed V of Turkey to unleash a "Holy War" (Jihad) against the Russian Empire, Britain and France during the First World War (1914-1918). On November 14, 1914, Mehmed V declared Jihad against the enemies of the German Reich and the Ottoman Empire. Besides religious matters, the Ottoman Empire had certain geopolitical interests in gaining control over Russia's Caucasus, the Central Asian and the Volga regions.
Interestingly enough, the Turkish spiritual emissaries made every effort to engage Russian Muslims in the "jihad" against the Russian Empire, but largely in vain. Turkish pan-Islamists had been repeatedly spotted in the Caucasus on the eve of the First World War promoting the anti-Russian sentiment. They also tried to convince the Russian Tartar population to take the side of the Ottoman Empire. The German leadership in its turn also added fuel to the fire by launching an ideological propaganda campaign and publishing "El-Jihad" newspaper. The outlet addressed Russian Tatars POWs and urged them to join Kaiser Wilhelm II, the self-proclaimed protector of all Muslims.
However, only 1,500 of almost 50,000 Russian Tatar POWs enlisted in German diversionary battalions. Meanwhile, Enver Pasha, the Minister of War of the Ottoman Empire, developed an ambitious plan aimed at capturing Russia's Kars province. On December 22, 1914 a 150,000-strong Turkish military group launched an offensive against the Russian Caucasian Army in the Kars region. Unfortunately for Enver Pasha, the Turkish advance resulted in the disastrous defeat of the Ottoman military forces at the Battle of Sarikamish in January 1915. Russia's victory brought the Turkish dream to stir up the Turkic inhabitants of Russia's southern regions to an end.
However, it is only a part of the story. Russo-Turkish relations thawed in the early 1920s after the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in October (November) 1917. The First World War dealt a heavy blow to the Ottoman Empire leading to the country's partitioning. In April 1920 Turkish national leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha (dubbed later Ataturk) sent an official request to Vladimir Lenin, the head of the Bolshevik Party, asking to establish diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and Turkey. Needless to say, Lenin met the proposal with enthusiasm — the Soviet government was at the time seeking new geopolitical allies.
The Soviets helped the Turkish state to delineate the borders between Turkey and Armenia and Iran. In accordance with the Kars Treaty signed on October 13, 1921, between Turkey, Soviet Azerbaijan, Soviet Armenia and Soviet Georgia, Kemal Pasha received the infamous Kars region, Ardagan and Artvin. The treaty was preceded by a similar agreement signed by the Kemalists and Soviet Russia. The Soviet government also provided the Turks with considerable financial aid in gold. In August 1921 General M.V. Frunze assumed the post of a Soviet Ambassador to Turkey and became Ataturk's close military adviser.
In order to support Turkey in its war against "imperialist powers" the young Soviet Russian Republic supplied to the country about 39 000 rifles, 327 heavy machine guns, 54 big cannons, 63 million bullets, 147 000 artillery shells as well as necessary raw materials and powder. Soviet military experts and instructors were deployed to Ankara.
However, relations between the states started deteriorating in 1936 during negotiations over the status quo of the Bosporus Straits and the Dardanelles. The Straits were placed back under the control of Turkey. Moscow believed that Ankara would provide it with additional preferences given the close cooperation between the countries during the Turkish War for Independence. Alas, the Soviet government's wishes had not been met.
Indeed, in the late 1930s, after the death of Ataturk, Turkey adopted a new political course and turned to its old ally — Germany. In the 1930s Nazi Germany became Turkey's major trading partner. On June 18, 1941, after the Second World War began, the German-Turkish Non-Aggression Pact was inked in Ankara by German ambassador to Turkey Franz von Papen and Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sukru Saracoglu. Under an agreement signed in September 1941 Ankara sold Chromite ore, a strategic metal, to Nazi Germany up until 1944. Furthermore, Ankara allowed German warships to cross the Straits under the official guise of commercial vessels during the course of the war.
Although then-Turkish president Ismet Inonu proclaimed a policy of neutrality, a considerable number of Turkish senior nationalist policymakers raised their voices urging Ankara to start "crusade" against the USSR and Bolshevism. The supporters of the so-called Pan-Turanian movement dreamt of establishing control over Soviet Central Asia and the Volga region inhabited by Turkic population and most notably the rich oilfields of the Caucasus. In a word, nothing had changed much since the First World War. Needless to say, Nazi Germany courted the Turkish Pan-Turanists. Interestingly enough, the Turkish "wish list" included not only the USSR's territories, but also northern Syria, Aleppo and Mosul.
Historians call attention to the fact that according to an additional secret agreement to the Turkish-German non-aggression pact Turkey was expected to enter the war against the USSR when Nazi Germany captured the Soviet strategic city of Stalingrad. In mid-1942 twenty-six Turkish divisions were concentrated on the border with the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet advance against Nazis dealt a blow to Pan-Turanists' plans. In 1944, Ankara changed its political vector again, and cracked down on Nazi-supporters inside the country. Furthermore, in February 1945 Turkey officially declared war on Nazi Germany, however not taking part in any fighting.
Incredible as it may seem it was Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany who urged Sultan Mehmed V of Turkey to unleash a "Holy War" (Jihad) against the Russian Empire, Britain and France during the First World War (1914-1918). On November 14, 1914, Mehmed V declared Jihad against the enemies of the German Reich and the Ottoman Empire. Besides religious matters, the Ottoman Empire had certain geopolitical interests in gaining control over Russia's Caucasus, the Central Asian and the Volga regions.
Interestingly enough, the Turkish spiritual emissaries made every effort to engage Russian Muslims in the "jihad" against the Russian Empire, but largely in vain. Turkish pan-Islamists had been repeatedly spotted in the Caucasus on the eve of the First World War promoting the anti-Russian sentiment. They also tried to convince the Russian Tartar population to take the side of the Ottoman Empire. The German leadership in its turn also added fuel to the fire by launching an ideological propaganda campaign and publishing "El-Jihad" newspaper. The outlet addressed Russian Tatars POWs and urged them to join Kaiser Wilhelm II, the self-proclaimed protector of all Muslims.
However, only 1,500 of almost 50,000 Russian Tatar POWs enlisted in German diversionary battalions. Meanwhile, Enver Pasha, the Minister of War of the Ottoman Empire, developed an ambitious plan aimed at capturing Russia's Kars province. On December 22, 1914 a 150,000-strong Turkish military group launched an offensive against the Russian Caucasian Army in the Kars region. Unfortunately for Enver Pasha, the Turkish advance resulted in the disastrous defeat of the Ottoman military forces at the Battle of Sarikamish in January 1915. Russia's victory brought the Turkish dream to stir up the Turkic inhabitants of Russia's southern regions to an end.
However, it is only a part of the story. Russo-Turkish relations thawed in the early 1920s after the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in October (November) 1917. The First World War dealt a heavy blow to the Ottoman Empire leading to the country's partitioning. In April 1920 Turkish national leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha (dubbed later Ataturk) sent an official request to Vladimir Lenin, the head of the Bolshevik Party, asking to establish diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and Turkey. Needless to say, Lenin met the proposal with enthusiasm — the Soviet government was at the time seeking new geopolitical allies.
The Soviets helped the Turkish state to delineate the borders between Turkey and Armenia and Iran. In accordance with the Kars Treaty signed on October 13, 1921, between Turkey, Soviet Azerbaijan, Soviet Armenia and Soviet Georgia, Kemal Pasha received the infamous Kars region, Ardagan and Artvin. The treaty was preceded by a similar agreement signed by the Kemalists and Soviet Russia. The Soviet government also provided the Turks with considerable financial aid in gold. In August 1921 General M.V. Frunze assumed the post of a Soviet Ambassador to Turkey and became Ataturk's close military adviser.
In order to support Turkey in its war against "imperialist powers" the young Soviet Russian Republic supplied to the country about 39 000 rifles, 327 heavy machine guns, 54 big cannons, 63 million bullets, 147 000 artillery shells as well as necessary raw materials and powder. Soviet military experts and instructors were deployed to Ankara.
However, relations between the states started deteriorating in 1936 during negotiations over the status quo of the Bosporus Straits and the Dardanelles. The Straits were placed back under the control of Turkey. Moscow believed that Ankara would provide it with additional preferences given the close cooperation between the countries during the Turkish War for Independence. Alas, the Soviet government's wishes had not been met.
Indeed, in the late 1930s, after the death of Ataturk, Turkey adopted a new political course and turned to its old ally — Germany. In the 1930s Nazi Germany became Turkey's major trading partner. On June 18, 1941, after the Second World War began, the German-Turkish Non-Aggression Pact was inked in Ankara by German ambassador to Turkey Franz von Papen and Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sukru Saracoglu. Under an agreement signed in September 1941 Ankara sold Chromite ore, a strategic metal, to Nazi Germany up until 1944. Furthermore, Ankara allowed German warships to cross the Straits under the official guise of commercial vessels during the course of the war.
Although then-Turkish president Ismet Inonu proclaimed a policy of neutrality, a considerable number of Turkish senior nationalist policymakers raised their voices urging Ankara to start "crusade" against the USSR and Bolshevism. The supporters of the so-called Pan-Turanian movement dreamt of establishing control over Soviet Central Asia and the Volga region inhabited by Turkic population and most notably the rich oilfields of the Caucasus. In a word, nothing had changed much since the First World War. Needless to say, Nazi Germany courted the Turkish Pan-Turanists. Interestingly enough, the Turkish "wish list" included not only the USSR's territories, but also northern Syria, Aleppo and Mosul.
Historians call attention to the fact that according to an additional secret agreement to the Turkish-German non-aggression pact Turkey was expected to enter the war against the USSR when Nazi Germany captured the Soviet strategic city of Stalingrad. In mid-1942 twenty-six Turkish divisions were concentrated on the border with the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet advance against Nazis dealt a blow to Pan-Turanists' plans. In 1944, Ankara changed its political vector again, and cracked down on Nazi-supporters inside the country. Furthermore, in February 1945 Turkey officially declared war on Nazi Germany, however not taking part in any fighting.
During the Cold War era Ankara continued to pursue anti-Soviet policies. In 1952, Turkey joined NATO and took part in the CIA's clandestine Operation Gladio aimed against the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries. Turkey's Counter-Guerilla forces, including Turkish nationalists Grey Wolves (Bozkurtlar), carried out paramilitary training of the Turkish youths, conducted terror acts against the Kurdish left parties and spread anti-Soviet sentiment. Turkish nationalists proclaimed the creation of Great Turan and the dissolution of the USSR as their primary objective.
After the collapse of the USSR, Turkish nationalists once again attempted to spread their influence over former the Soviet Republics and regions — the Caucasus, the Central Asia, the Volga region and Crimea. As for Ankara's Middle Eastern policies, its ambitious plans predictably include the Iraqi Mosul, where Turkish troops have been recently deployed, and northern Syria. History clearly shows that Turkey's principal geopolitical agenda has not changed.
After the collapse of the USSR, Turkish nationalists once again attempted to spread their influence over former the Soviet Republics and regions — the Caucasus, the Central Asia, the Volga region and Crimea. As for Ankara's Middle Eastern policies, its ambitious plans predictably include the Iraqi Mosul, where Turkish troops have been recently deployed, and northern Syria. History clearly shows that Turkey's principal geopolitical agenda has not changed.
Source: http://sputniknews.com/politics/20151220/1032050373/history-of-russo-turkish-geopolitical-competition.html
Today’s Armenia is mostly a Russian creation
When considering Armenia’s recent and somewhat reluctant alliance with Russia it’s important to remember that today’s Armenia is mostly a Russian creation. Following more than a century of desperate lobbying by Armenia, tsarist Russia’s army finally moved deeper into the Caucasus, in the early 19th century, and liberated most of the region from Turkic and Persian rule. What we now call modern Armenia was occupied by Russia and was named “Armenian Province”. Thus for the first time, since 1375, Armenia appeared on maps as a political entity. Soon after ultranationalist and narrow-minded Tsar Nicholas I changed the region’s name to “Yerevan Province”, but it was now recognized that the region was Armenian, although the majority of population was non-Armenian due to foreign occupation.
These and many other facts about the roots of modern Armenia were limned by Dr. George Bournoutian in his talk titled “Russo-Iranian Relations and the Formation of the Modern Armenian State” at AGBU’s Alex Manoogian Cultural Centre in Toronto on May 9. Dr. Bournoutian is on a book tour about his recent “From Tabriz to St. Petersbourg”.
Attendees at the standing-room-only event were also regaled by exciting mini-sketches of Peter the Great, Catherine the Great, the slaying of Sayat Nova, Shah Fath Ali who had 145 children, a eunuch shah, and Generals Tsitsianov and Paskievich. Attendees also took away stories about the several Russo-Persian and Russo-Turkish Wars, about the bravery of Armenian volunteers, the Karapagh meliks, the colorful Armenian, Russian, and Persian characters who were involved in the transformation of Southern Caucasus, and the several repatriations of Armenians from Persia, Ottoman Turkey and Russia.
One of the most dramatic stories Dr. Bournoutian told was that of the pro-Armenian Russian Ambassador Alexander Griboyedov who was sent by Tsar Nicholas I, in 1829, to Persia to ratify the recent treaty between Russia and Persia. A larger-than-life character, Griboyedov was a famous playwright, poet, composer, and friend and rival of Alexander Pushkin.
One of Griboyedov’s duties was to assure the return of Christian prisoners taken by the Persians during their recent war with Russia. An unexpected conflict flared up when an Armenian eunuch escaped from the harem of Fath Ali Shah and two Armenian girls escaped from the harem of the shah’s son-in-law. All three sought refuge in the Russian embassy. The shah demanded that the Armenians be returned. When Griboyedov refused, Persian mobs, incited by the mullahs, attacked the Russian embassy. Griboyedov and his Cossacks put up a brave fight but were killed along with the 45-member staff. Griboyedov was 34. The Armenian eunuch was also killed. The fate of the two girls remains unknown. The young ambassador’s body was taken to Tbilisi where it’s buried.
Fearing a massive Russian retaliation, the shah sent a 40-man mission to Moscow, carrying fabulous gifts, including vast carpets, manuscripts, and a large diamond. With peace established between the two empires, the Yerevan Province, now largely inhabited by Armenians, became a backwater. It remained so for the next 80 years, said Dr. Bournoutian, and became important only in Soviet times. He pointed out that while there were many obvious negative aspects to Soviet rule, one should not forget that present-day Yerevan is a legacy of the Soviet Era, and that scientific and artistic life bloomed in that period as opposed to the post-independence era.
Source: http://agbutoronto.org/2014/05/14/full-house-attendance-at-bournoutians-lecture-on-the-creation-of-armenia-at-agbu-toronto/
Armenian, Russian Presidents open Hill of Honor
After the Armenian and Russian national anthems were performed, the Presidents welcomed the guests and the Gyumri residents. The Presidents’ speeches were followed by a pray for the repose of the Russian servicemen’s souls. The Hill of Honor is a cemetery founded on the order of Commander of the Caucasus corps, General Nikolay Muravyev in 1856. An orthodox church was later built there. Consecrated in 1886, the church has been preserved. The Russian President and his wife arrived in Armenia on August 19. On arriving in Yerevan, the Russian leader headed for the Memorial to Armenian Genocide victims. He laid flowers at the monument. On August 20, Armenian-Russian negotiations were held. The CSTO’s informal summit has opened in Yerevan. An opening ceremony of the Hill of Honor was held in Gyumri. The memorial was opened on the burial place of 156 officers of the Russian army killed during the Russian-Turkish wars in the 19th century. Participating in the ceremony were the Armenian and Russian Presidents, Serzh Sargsyan and Dmitry Medvedev. The Armenian and Russian leaders laid a wreath at the memorial, a NEWS.am correspondent reported. It is a sculpture is a soldier mourning for his killed comrades-in-arms and an eagle over the soldier’s head with the Turkish flag in its talons.
Source: http://news.am/eng/news/28359.html
Russia, Our Best Friend
For centuries Armenians dreamed of having their
own state and after each national tragedy and slaughter hoped it would
be the last time. My paternal grandparents dreamed of an independent
Armenia but didn’t see its birth. I consider myself a lucky Armenian: I
saw the emergence of an independent Armenia; what my ancestors hoped for centuries became true in my time.
My father, who doesn’t speak Armenian, says to me
after each visit to the motherland: "Son, I feel that my soul is
nourished and I can’t live without this feeling.” Despite the negative
narrative among many Diaspora Armenians who turn their back to their
ancestral land and the non-stop propaganda that Armenia is ruled by
oligarchs, that depopulation will mark the end of the country, that the
president is a crook, etc, I feel Armenia is intelligently managed in
the turbulent Caucasus, a buffer zone and an extension of the Middle
East.
One of the latest arguments in the Diaspora is
that Russia is a threat to Armenia and that Moscow plans an Armenia
without Armenians. I hear these arguments from Diaspora Armenians who
live in the West and most of whom haven't visited their homeland, lack
solid information about Armenia and cannot understand that there is an
Armenia because Armenians are considered by Russians as loyal friends,
an ancient Christian people who are Russophile and have contributed to
Russia in many fields and still continue to do so. Those who want
Armenia destroyed hope Armenia becomes anti-Russian. Thus they spread
their anti-Russian propaganda.
In 2008 Russia didn’t abandon South Ossetia--one
of the tiniest nations anywhere, with no oil or other natural
ressources. Their only asset is their loyalty to Russia. In 2008, during
the August War with Russia, Georgia received arms from many Western
countries. Western private militias fought side by side the Georgian
army. At the end Russian tanks were closing in on Tbilisi, the capital
of Georgia. It was only through President Sarkozy's intercession that
the life of Georgian President Miheil Saakashvili was saved. The
Georgian leader had been called ‘son’ by U.S Secretary of State Colin
Powell while Georgia was praised as a 'model' country by the Europeans
and Americans for its intention to join the EU or NATO. At the end of
the war, Georgia was once again humiliated and as a result of the war
Georgia lost Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
In recent centuries Georgia has survived thanks to
Russian protection. But this fact is no immaterial to Georgians.
Millions of Georgians live in Turkey. Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip
Erdogan's family originated in Georgia. Georgians who live in Turkey are
Islamized and only a few can speak a sprinkling of Georgian. If a
conflict emerges between Turkey and Georgia these Georgians will side
with Turkey because their Sunni faith keeps them loyal to Turkey.
Samuel Huntington stated that religious or ethnic
affiliation shape peoples’ perception of different conflicts. Why, for
example, was NATO member Greece unenthusiastic about the bombing of the
Serbs by NATO forces in 1999? The reason is simple: Serbs, like the
Greeks, are Orthodox Christians and have an affinity to the Byzantine
Empire just, like the Greeks. To which civilizational group does Armenia belong?
Are we western like the British or Islamic like the Libyans? As Eastern
Christians we belong to the Orthodox world headed by Russia. Russia is
the only superpower which cares about the fate of Eastern Christians,
just as it cares for the wellbeing of Syrian Christians.
International relations are, in general, based on
interests. States have long-term agendas; they follow them right or
wrong. But what if states also have a subconscience and memory? Syria is
home to a Russian naval base in Tartus, a city on the Mediterranean.
People can say that it's because of the base and arms sale that Russia
doesn’t abandon Syria. I agree. But let’s look back to the 1990s when
the Soviet Union broke apart. People mocked "Evil Empire" Russia. People
said it was "Bangladesh with nuclear weapons". Even the tiny Chechens
defeated them and created their own independent state. Even "Slavic
Orthodox Brother" Bulgaria, which also owes Russia its independence from
the Ottomans, declared Russians were no more welcome. Sofia joined NATO
and became a member of the European Union. Experts predicted that
following the Chechens' victory more secessionist nations would emerge
within the multinational Russian state and that Russia was doomed to
collapse.
What was the Syrian approach to Russia in those
years? They kept the Russian naval base in their country and continued
their warm relations with Mosow. I propose Syria is so dear to the
‘’Russian state memory” that Moscow will not abandon it just like
Damascus didn’t abandon Russia in the latter's vulnerable years.
Propositions to transfer the base to Cyprus (the Greek part) or the
multi-billion Saudi bribe to bring down Assad didn’t influence Russia.
It didn't compromise its friendship and rejected the ‘Libyan scenario’.
In Istanbul some years ago an Ossetian official
told me that President Yeltsin of Russia was so embarrassed by the
negative attitude of Western leaders toward Russia that he stated: "I
will find such a man [as my successor] that nobody among will ever dare
laugh at us.’’ Myth or reality? President Yeltsin, the sad image of
Russia during that country's years of vulnerability, selected Vladimir
Vladimirovich Putin to replace him in 1999. Under Putin Russia recovered
and found its place in the world. He stopped the looting of his
country, re-organized the economy, boosted the military power and
reasserted its territorial integrity. Russia rose from the ashes like
the phoenix and refound its glory. It is once again a respected
superpower. The Bear is back.
But Russia is an enigma to Armenians living in the
West. We are mostly ignorant about Russia's history and what it is
today. We know about the evil Communists, the gulags, the state atheism
of Soviet times. Most of us don't know that Moscow is the Third Rome:
after the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks Russia became the
main center of Eastern Christianity. The coat of arms of the Russian
state is the double-headed Byzantine Eagle. (Some Armenologists say that
the symbol was imported by Byzantium from Armenia). Russia is the
continuation of the Eastern Roman Empire, aka the Byzantine Empire. It
was the Byzantines (Armeno-Greek missionaries Cyril and Methodius) who
converted the Russians to Orthodox Christianity in 988. It is a country
where the cathedrals are more majestic than those of Italy.
Communist rule was a rupture in Russian
spirituality. Tsar Nicholas II wanted to reconquer Constantinople and
save the Armenians and other persecuted Christian subjects of the
Ottoman Empire. Earlier on, when the Russian army reached (1878) Hagia
Stephanos, a province of today’s Istanbul called Yesilkoy, Western
Powers such as Britain, France and Germany interfered and convinced the
Russians that the Ottomans would no longer persecute their Christian
subjects. The Russian army withdrew. We know what Sultan Abdul Hamid II,
the Young Turks, and Ataturk did following the withdrawal of the
Russians. For more than 200 years the West has protected the Ottomans
when Russia defeated them over and over. Even today no Western state
cares for the plight of Christians in the Middle East.
Saddam Hussein was an irrational and brutal leader
but Iraqi-Christians, including the Armenians, lived a comfortable life
and were not oppressed. Before the American invasion, Saddam Hussein
sent his Chaldean Foreign Minister Tarek Aziz to the Vatican. Aziz met
Pope Paul John II and begged him to act as an intermediary. The pope
tried to convince the U.S and the other members of the Western coalition
to find a peaceful solution. His efforts were in vain. Only a shadow of
Christianity remains in Iraq. Around 15,000 Armenians still live in the
country.
How can one forget the mass slaughter (1922) of
the Greeks and Armenians of Smyrna (now Izmir) by the Kemalist forces as
British and French navies, docked at the city, idly watching?
Armenians remember the French rescuing one part of
Musa Dagh’s Armenians and taking them to Port Said in Egypt. That was
the only help that we got. We were betrayed over and over by the West
and our blood fed rivers. Some Armenians would say "the Russians
betrayed us, too. They retreated from Van in 1915.’’ It was the Soviets
who retreated, not the Russians. When civil war broke out (1917) in
Russia, the Tsarist army was urged to retreat to defend the regime. The
Tsarist army lost and the Bolsheviks succeeded. If there was no
Bolshevik Revolution, Armenians would have been saved by the Russian
army and the Ottomans wouldn't have dared launch the Genocide. The
Bolsheviks killed millions of people and the majority of their victims
were ethnic Russians. Despite Lenin’s treachery, Soviet rule saved
Eastern Armenia and Armenians later acquired high positions in the
Soviet state. Nothing remained of Western Armenia.
Russian Communism is gone. Russia has a Patriarch
named Kiril who can tell to Putin during a tete-a-tete: "If you abandon
the Christians in Syria, we won’t support you anymore.” And Putin heeds
the patriarch’s advice. There's no way a Western leader would take into
consideration the opinion of a Christian spiritual leader in defense of
the Middle East's Christians.
For me, as an Armenian, Russia is the bearer of
light. The great Russian people have always defeated warrior tribes
surrounding their country and managed to create a great civilization.
They defeated the Mongols, Napoleon, the Turks, and with the help of
other Soviet republics beat the Nazis. Russians have kept the secret of
survival which the Byzantines forgot. Russia has the best missile
technology and more nuclear warheads than the United States. Russia is
the saviour of many nations (Serbs, Bulgarians, Ossetians) who suffered
from tyranny. It was the Russians who saved the Jews from Aushwitz in
1945. As an Armenian, I am thankful to this great nation.
Do Armenians of the West know of the strongest Armenian Diaspora? The strongest Armenian Diaspora is not in the Unites States or in France but in Russia. Its members are ministers, generals, billionaire businessmen, scientists, media personalities, university professors. Did the one-million strong California Armenians have a Secretary of State of Armenian origin? They had Governor Deukmejian or House Member Pashayan but they never had a cabinet minister. Russia’s current foreign minister Sergey Lavrov is half-Armenian. Russia is the talisman "kismet" of Armenians just as the United States is for Israel. I thank the Armenian government for erecting the United Cross Monument in Yerevan, symbolizing the Russian-Armenian brotherly relations which was unveiled during President Putin’s December visit to Armenia.
Do Armenians of the West know of the strongest Armenian Diaspora? The strongest Armenian Diaspora is not in the Unites States or in France but in Russia. Its members are ministers, generals, billionaire businessmen, scientists, media personalities, university professors. Did the one-million strong California Armenians have a Secretary of State of Armenian origin? They had Governor Deukmejian or House Member Pashayan but they never had a cabinet minister. Russia’s current foreign minister Sergey Lavrov is half-Armenian. Russia is the talisman "kismet" of Armenians just as the United States is for Israel. I thank the Armenian government for erecting the United Cross Monument in Yerevan, symbolizing the Russian-Armenian brotherly relations which was unveiled during President Putin’s December visit to Armenia.
Armenia has no bigger friend than Russia. Despite
Russia's selling of weapons to Azerbaijan, I have confidence in Russia's
friendship--a friendship based on self-interest, knowledge, and
sentiment. America also armed Saddam. The West sold chemical weapons to
Iraq. Americans promoted him as the leader of the Arab World. Where is
Saddam now?
100 лет назад Османская империя начала войну против России
100 лет назад, 29-30 октября 1914 года, Османская империя начала войну
против России. Германо-турецкий флот под командованием контр-адмирала
Сушона без объявления войны атаковал русские черноморские берега.
Противник напал на Севастополь и стоявший там русский флот, обстрелял
Новороссийск, Феодосию и Одессу, заминировал Керченский пролив. Это была
провокация с целью вызвать российское правительство на войну. 2 ноября
1914 года Российская империя объявила войну Турции.
Положение Османской империи накануне Первой мировой войны
«Больной человек» Европы давно уже находился в тяжелом кризисе. Особенно трудно пришлось Турции в начале XX столетия. Казалось, что нужен только один сильный удар, чтобы разрушить прогнившую насквозь Османскую империю.
Положение Османской империи накануне Первой мировой войны
«Больной человек» Европы давно уже находился в тяжелом кризисе. Особенно трудно пришлось Турции в начале XX столетия. Казалось, что нужен только один сильный удар, чтобы разрушить прогнившую насквозь Османскую империю.
В конце XIX века завершился процесс превращения Османской империи в
полуколонию великих западных держав. Турция была одной из самых отсталых
аграрных стран, чья экономика и финансы находились под контролем
Запада. Крупное землевладение сочеталось и с мелким землепользованием.
Крестьянство несло на себе почти всю тяжесть налогового бремени, отдавая
откупщикам и ростовщикам до 30-40% урожая. Кое-где сохранялась даже
примитивная барщина. При этом сельское хозяйство находилось под
контролем западного капитала. Дело дошло до того, что Стамбул и ряд
других крупных прибрежных городов получали зерно и муку из-за рубежа.
Иностранный капитал имел монополию на производство и экспорт турецкого
табака, контролируя целые сельские области. Иностранный капитал выступал
в качестве организатора и хозяина производства, и был заинтересован в
полуфеодальной зависимости крестьянства, крайне дешёвой рабочей силе.
Промышленность в правление султанов Абдул-Хамида II (1876 — 1909) и Мехмеда V (1909 — 1918), несмотря на огромные природные богатства империи, находилась в жалком состоянии. Добывающую промышленность захватили иностранные компании, главным образом британские и французские, получившие концессии на разработку полезных ископаемых. За счёт льгот концессий и крайней дешевизны рабочей силы иностранные предприниматели получали огромные прибыли, которые не попадали в турецкую казну. Сталеплавильной и машиностроительной отраслей в Турции практически не было. В начале столетия в Османской империи добывали 3 млн. пудов руды, но для местного потребления оставалось около 100 тыс. пудов. Остальное вывозили и перерабатывали на иностранных предприятиях. Металлы возвращались в виде готовых товаров. Так, в конце XIX столетия во всей огромной Турецкой империи было всего 5 литейных и железоделательных мастерских и всего 6 лесопильных предприятий. По сути, Турция была аграрной, сырьевой полуколонией Запада.
В империи было несколько десятков мелких предприятий пищевой, суконной, хлопчатобумажной, ковровой и т. д. отраслей. Кроме того, в Стамбуле было несколько военных предприятий. Большинство предприятий были сосредоточены в столице и нескольких крупных прибрежных городах. Остальные районы империи фактически промышленности не имели, обходясь средневековыми ремесленными мастерскими. При этом почти все сколько-нибудь значительные предприятия находились в руках иностранного капитала или компрадорской буржуазии. В начале XX столетия только около 15% промышленности находилась в руках национальной буржуазии. Значительной была и доля инонациональной буржуазии (евреи, греки, армяне и пр.), которая чтобы избежать коррупционного и национального давления, разорительных налогов и пошлин, принимала подданство какой-либо иностранной державы. В результате большая часть капиталов не задерживалась в Турции, доходы извлекаемые из природных богатств страны, жестокой эксплуатации трудового населения уходили на Запад, или в карманы небольшой группы компрадорской буржуазии.
Ещё в 1881 году была учреждена «Администрация оттоманского публичного долга», которая получила при помощи собственного административного аппарата собирать в различных районах империи государственные налоги и пошлины, чтобы обслуживать госдолг Османской империи. В «Администрацию» входили представители Британии, Франции, Германии, Италии, Австро-Венгрии, Оттоманского банка и местных крупных кредиторов Порты. В 1908 году её численность выросла до 10 тыс. человек. Целая оккупационная администрация, высасывающая все соки из страны. Причём этот аппарат числился на турецкой службе, на содержании казны. В дальнейшем иностранцы получили доходы от табачной и соляной монополий, сбор со спирта и гербовой сбор, право сбора государственного налога в ряде областей и городов и т. д. По сути, иностранцы стали полностью контролировать финансы империи. Иностранные банки контролировали финансы Турции. Дело шло к учреждению финансового международного учреждения, которое заменит османское финансовое ведомство. Этот процесс остановила только война и развал империи.
Западный капитал полностью устраивало внутреннее разложение Османской империи, в которой заправляли сановники, крупные феодалы и высшее мусульманское духовенство. Господство придворной камарильи, коррупция бюрократов и ничем не ограниченный произвол чиновников, включая духовенство, определяли внутреннее положение империи. Особенностью чиновничьего аппарата, включая офицерство, был крайне низкий уровень образования и культуры. Так, в 1898 году даже среди министров не было ни одного человека с высшим образованием. Повсюду царили казнокрадство, произвол и коррупция. Все чиновники, от высших сановников до мелких местных управленцев использовали своё положение для обогащения. В учебных заведениях была жесткая цензура и гнёт духовенства, которые подавляли образование, науку и культуру.
При этом устойчивость империи подрывала национально-освободительная борьба. Власти отвечали жесточайшим террором, разжиганием национальной и религиозной вражды. Идеология основывалась на панисламизме и пантюркизме. Восстания буквально топили в крови. Для поддержания целостности империи был сформирован огромный аппарат сыска, жандармерии и полиции. Была сформирована многотысячная армия доносчиков. Для подавления восстаний использовали иррегулярную кавалерию (хамидие - «принадлежащие Хамиду»), куда привлекали курдов и карапахов. Дикие всадники наводили ужас во многих районах империи, особенно на востоке. Так, в 1894-1896 гг. была организована страшная резня армян в Западной Армении. Эта бойня потрясла весь мир. Было зверски убито около 300 тыс. человек. Сотни городов и селений были опустошены султанской армией, иррегулярными формированиями, полицией и религиозными фанатиками.
Армяне составляли значительную часть населения империи и во время войн с Россией благосклонно относились к русским, особенно в Западной Армении, где люди надеялись присоединиться к Российской империи. Стамбул уже с 1880-х годов стал проводить политику геноцида. Если раньше бойни происходили от случая к случаю, теперь геноцид стал государственной политикой.
Султан Абдул-Хамид II не только использовал политику «разделяй и властвуй», натравливая религиозных фанатиков на христиан, но и взял на вооружение агрессивную идеологию панисламизма. В Османской империи множились идеологи, которые объясняли необходимость объединения всех мусульман и тюрков под эгидой халифа, которым был османский султан. Эта идеология стала одной из предпосылок участия Турции в Первой мировой войне.
При этом продолжалось усиления влияния иностранных держав на Турцию. Традиционно сильное влияние на Стамбул было у Англии и Франции. Однако в начале XX столетия их стала вытеснять Германская империя, которая постепенно поставила под свой контроль вооруженные силы Турции. Турецкое правительство посчитало, что немцы представляют «меньшее зло» и пыталось использовать Германию для укрепления армии и экономики, ослабить влияние других иностранцев. Германии нужны были ресурсы Османской империи и союзник для давления на Британию и Россию. Через турецкую территорию можно было выйти к Суэцкому каналу и Персидскому заливу.
Армянский вопрос, борьба в Македонии и Фракии, восстание критских греков были разменной монетой в большой игре. Эти события обычно использовались великими державами для усиления своего влияния на Порту. По сути, политику Порты определяли в европейских столицах. Так, в 1897 году началась турецко-греческая война, возникшая из-за восстания греков на Крите. Османы смогли разгромить греков, но великие державы заставили Порту подписать такой договор, который привёл к потере Крита. На Крите была объявлена автономия под «покровительством Европы» и высажен «миротворческий контингент». Большая часть мусульман была вынуждена покинуть остров. Крит присоединился к Греции после второй Балканской войны, в конце 1913 года.
Промышленность в правление султанов Абдул-Хамида II (1876 — 1909) и Мехмеда V (1909 — 1918), несмотря на огромные природные богатства империи, находилась в жалком состоянии. Добывающую промышленность захватили иностранные компании, главным образом британские и французские, получившие концессии на разработку полезных ископаемых. За счёт льгот концессий и крайней дешевизны рабочей силы иностранные предприниматели получали огромные прибыли, которые не попадали в турецкую казну. Сталеплавильной и машиностроительной отраслей в Турции практически не было. В начале столетия в Османской империи добывали 3 млн. пудов руды, но для местного потребления оставалось около 100 тыс. пудов. Остальное вывозили и перерабатывали на иностранных предприятиях. Металлы возвращались в виде готовых товаров. Так, в конце XIX столетия во всей огромной Турецкой империи было всего 5 литейных и железоделательных мастерских и всего 6 лесопильных предприятий. По сути, Турция была аграрной, сырьевой полуколонией Запада.
В империи было несколько десятков мелких предприятий пищевой, суконной, хлопчатобумажной, ковровой и т. д. отраслей. Кроме того, в Стамбуле было несколько военных предприятий. Большинство предприятий были сосредоточены в столице и нескольких крупных прибрежных городах. Остальные районы империи фактически промышленности не имели, обходясь средневековыми ремесленными мастерскими. При этом почти все сколько-нибудь значительные предприятия находились в руках иностранного капитала или компрадорской буржуазии. В начале XX столетия только около 15% промышленности находилась в руках национальной буржуазии. Значительной была и доля инонациональной буржуазии (евреи, греки, армяне и пр.), которая чтобы избежать коррупционного и национального давления, разорительных налогов и пошлин, принимала подданство какой-либо иностранной державы. В результате большая часть капиталов не задерживалась в Турции, доходы извлекаемые из природных богатств страны, жестокой эксплуатации трудового населения уходили на Запад, или в карманы небольшой группы компрадорской буржуазии.
Ещё в 1881 году была учреждена «Администрация оттоманского публичного долга», которая получила при помощи собственного административного аппарата собирать в различных районах империи государственные налоги и пошлины, чтобы обслуживать госдолг Османской империи. В «Администрацию» входили представители Британии, Франции, Германии, Италии, Австро-Венгрии, Оттоманского банка и местных крупных кредиторов Порты. В 1908 году её численность выросла до 10 тыс. человек. Целая оккупационная администрация, высасывающая все соки из страны. Причём этот аппарат числился на турецкой службе, на содержании казны. В дальнейшем иностранцы получили доходы от табачной и соляной монополий, сбор со спирта и гербовой сбор, право сбора государственного налога в ряде областей и городов и т. д. По сути, иностранцы стали полностью контролировать финансы империи. Иностранные банки контролировали финансы Турции. Дело шло к учреждению финансового международного учреждения, которое заменит османское финансовое ведомство. Этот процесс остановила только война и развал империи.
Западный капитал полностью устраивало внутреннее разложение Османской империи, в которой заправляли сановники, крупные феодалы и высшее мусульманское духовенство. Господство придворной камарильи, коррупция бюрократов и ничем не ограниченный произвол чиновников, включая духовенство, определяли внутреннее положение империи. Особенностью чиновничьего аппарата, включая офицерство, был крайне низкий уровень образования и культуры. Так, в 1898 году даже среди министров не было ни одного человека с высшим образованием. Повсюду царили казнокрадство, произвол и коррупция. Все чиновники, от высших сановников до мелких местных управленцев использовали своё положение для обогащения. В учебных заведениях была жесткая цензура и гнёт духовенства, которые подавляли образование, науку и культуру.
При этом устойчивость империи подрывала национально-освободительная борьба. Власти отвечали жесточайшим террором, разжиганием национальной и религиозной вражды. Идеология основывалась на панисламизме и пантюркизме. Восстания буквально топили в крови. Для поддержания целостности империи был сформирован огромный аппарат сыска, жандармерии и полиции. Была сформирована многотысячная армия доносчиков. Для подавления восстаний использовали иррегулярную кавалерию (хамидие - «принадлежащие Хамиду»), куда привлекали курдов и карапахов. Дикие всадники наводили ужас во многих районах империи, особенно на востоке. Так, в 1894-1896 гг. была организована страшная резня армян в Западной Армении. Эта бойня потрясла весь мир. Было зверски убито около 300 тыс. человек. Сотни городов и селений были опустошены султанской армией, иррегулярными формированиями, полицией и религиозными фанатиками.
Армяне составляли значительную часть населения империи и во время войн с Россией благосклонно относились к русским, особенно в Западной Армении, где люди надеялись присоединиться к Российской империи. Стамбул уже с 1880-х годов стал проводить политику геноцида. Если раньше бойни происходили от случая к случаю, теперь геноцид стал государственной политикой.
Султан Абдул-Хамид II не только использовал политику «разделяй и властвуй», натравливая религиозных фанатиков на христиан, но и взял на вооружение агрессивную идеологию панисламизма. В Османской империи множились идеологи, которые объясняли необходимость объединения всех мусульман и тюрков под эгидой халифа, которым был османский султан. Эта идеология стала одной из предпосылок участия Турции в Первой мировой войне.
При этом продолжалось усиления влияния иностранных держав на Турцию. Традиционно сильное влияние на Стамбул было у Англии и Франции. Однако в начале XX столетия их стала вытеснять Германская империя, которая постепенно поставила под свой контроль вооруженные силы Турции. Турецкое правительство посчитало, что немцы представляют «меньшее зло» и пыталось использовать Германию для укрепления армии и экономики, ослабить влияние других иностранцев. Германии нужны были ресурсы Османской империи и союзник для давления на Британию и Россию. Через турецкую территорию можно было выйти к Суэцкому каналу и Персидскому заливу.
Армянский вопрос, борьба в Македонии и Фракии, восстание критских греков были разменной монетой в большой игре. Эти события обычно использовались великими державами для усиления своего влияния на Порту. По сути, политику Порты определяли в европейских столицах. Так, в 1897 году началась турецко-греческая война, возникшая из-за восстания греков на Крите. Османы смогли разгромить греков, но великие державы заставили Порту подписать такой договор, который привёл к потере Крита. На Крите была объявлена автономия под «покровительством Европы» и высажен «миротворческий контингент». Большая часть мусульман была вынуждена покинуть остров. Крит присоединился к Греции после второй Балканской войны, в конце 1913 года.
Младотурецкая революция
Потеря экономической и политической независимости, цепь поражений во внешней политике и потеря территорий, культурное влияние Запада на образованную часть османского общества привели к возникновению волны протеста. Буржуазно-либеральные идеи привели к возникновению политического движения младотурков, которые стали преемниками «новых османов».
Несмотря на то, что султан и его приспешники жесточайшим образом давили любое проявление свободомыслия и сопротивления, устроив в стране настоящую шпионскую манию, когда людей хватали за малейшее проявление недовольства, политическое движение постепенно вызрело в революцию. Ядром движения стало офицерство, наиболее образованная часть населения и имевшая возможность знакомиться с европейской культурой и достижениями передовой мысли. Также в движение входили представители разночинной интеллигенции и учащихся военных и гражданских школ.
Так, ещё в 1889 году курсант военно-медицинского училища Ибрагим Темо создал тайную группу, целью которой было спасение родины от тирании. Эта ячейка установила контакты с единомышленниками в других учебных заведениях Стамбула. Появились революционные ячейки и за границей. Во Франции такой группой руководил сын крупного чиновника Ахмед Риза-бей. В 1892 году группу в военно-медицинском училище вскрыли. Но серьёзно к ней не отнеслись, студенты даже получили возможность продолжать учёбу.
В 1894 году была выпущена листовка от имени «Османского общества единения и прогресса». Они призывала к совместной борьбе всех народов империи с деспотизмом. Движение увеличило своё влияние в армейской и флотской среде, среди чиновников и курсантов военных училищ. Власти отнеслись к этому более серьёзно и ответили репрессиями. Многих сослали, другие бежали за границу. Однако ячейки иттихадистов (от слова «иттихад» - «единение») продолжали свою подрывную работу. Был учреждён Центральный комитет. Устав движения ставил своей целью обеспечение справедливости, равенства и свободы, прогресс страны и освобождение от иностранной кабалы. Важнейшей задачей было восстановление конституционного строя в стране.
В Европе печатали и распространяли по Турции памфлеты, которые клеймили кровавый режим Абдул-Хамида II. Султана называли «подлым» и «безумным» и даже «последователем дьявола». В эмиграции стали издавать десятки газет на турецком языке, которые проклинали режим «змеи и скорпиона». Наиболее значительные газеты издавали в Париже, Лондоне, Женеве и Каире. Также впускали брошюры и листовки, которые тайно распространяли по Османской империи. Иттихадисты считали, что конституционные реформы спасут страну от распада и раздела между великими державами. Они надеялись, что путём реформ можно спасти гибнущую османскую империю, обновить её. Движение не было единым, его раздирали противоречия и споры по будущему страны. Особенностью движения был его многонациональный состав, среди революционеров были турки, албанцы, греки, армяне, евреи, арабы, курды и др. В целом революционеров объединяла только ненависть к султану.
Первый конгресс в Париже удалось провести только в 1902 году. Но и он не привёл к единству. Так, выделилось две основные группы. «Общество прогресса и единения» Ахмеда Ризы выступало за единство империи, сохранение османской династии, единение всех народов Турции и против вмешательства в дела страны иностранных государств. «Общество личной инициативы и децентрализации» во главе с принцем Сабахеддином доказывало возможность вмешательства иностранных держав и выступало за значительную децентрализацию административного управления, предоставление больших полномочий местным властям.
Внутренние расколы и неудачные заговоры, раскрытые властями, новые волны ссылок привели к спаду движения. Новый подъём произошёл на фоне революции в России 1905-1907 гг. Лидеры младотурок призвали «брать пример с великолепных идей русской революции». Султан же усилил цензуру, чтобы остановить появление сообщений о действиях революционеров в России. Особенно Абдул-Хамид боялся восстания на флоте. В это время многие офицеры примкнули к младотурецкому движению. Власти ответили массовыми арестами, было арестовано более 200 человек, включая 5 генералов.
В 1906-1907 гг. в армии и на флоте произошло несколько выступлений против начальства. Выступления против властей произошли и в ряде крупных городов. Правительство в ряде мест даже пошло на уступки. Так, в Эрзеруме отменили некоторые налоги. В стране стала складываться революционная ситуация. Власти смогли сбить революционную волну в Анатолии, но в столице ряды революционеров только окрепли. В 1906 году в Салониках учредили новое тайное «Османское общество свободы», которое обрело серьёзное влияние в среде армейских офицеров. В 1907 году оно объединилось с «Обществом прогресса и единения». Новое движение получило название «Османское общество прогресса и единения». Оно имело два центра: внешний – в Париже и внутренний – в Салониках. Комитет в Салониках вёл активную пропаганду и вербовку новых членов в армейских частях, расположенных в Европейской Турции. Одновременно произошло сближение с национальными партиями и группами – армянскими национально-буржуазными партиями и группами, македонским освободительным движением.
В декабре 1907 года в Париже прошёл второй конгресс младотурок. Была сформирована общая программа. О будущем государственной устройстве Турции умолчали, но сказали об учреждении конституции и созыве парламента. Революция началась с Македонии. Безземелье и малоземелье, огромное налоговое бремя, произвол и коррупция турецкой администрации, религиозные и национальные противоречия сделали эту область постоянным очагом национальных и антифеодальных выступлений. Порта топила их в крови, но делать это становилось всё труднее, а давление великих держав всё росло. Неспособность Стамбула решить македонский вопрос вынудила Россию и Англию принять решение о вводе в регион войск для «поддержания порядка».
Младотурки решили, что это удобный момент для восстания, чтобы установить в стране конституцию и воспрепятствовать иностранному вмешательству в дела страны. Парижский центр рекомендовал расширить вербовку среди военных и молодежи, создать тайные ударные группы. Особенно большой успех имела пропаганда младотурок в Салониках, в среде солдат, младшего и среднего офицерского состава. Задержки жалованья усиливали общее недовольство в военной среде.
Весной 1908 г. в военных частях прокатилась волна бунтов. Летом султан произвёл перемены в командовании войск, дислоцированных в Македонии, приказал начать аресты в салоникском гарнизоне. Однако это только усилило недовольство. Революционное движение охватило почти всё офицерство. Военные не стесняясь выражали своё недовольство, говорили, что правительство ведёт страну к гибели и иностранной оккупации. К офицерам стали примыкать и местные чиновники. В начале июля 1908 года началось восстание. Первым выступил отряд Ниязи-бея. Вскоре к нему присоединились отряды из других гарнизонов. Ниязи-бей направил султану письмо, требуя прекратить репрессии, восстановить конституцию 1876 года и созвать парламент.
Султан попытался двинуть против очага восстания верные ему части, но их состав был распропагандирован младотурками. Главу карательной экспедиции убили. К повстанцам стало присоединяться нетурецкое население Македонии. Македонские и албанские националистические организации поддержали восставших. Армейские части одна за другой присоединялись к повстанцам. Выступление превратилось в массовое восстание. Султан попытался бросить против восставших войска из Анатолии. Однако все прибывшие в Салоники батальоны отказались вступить против европейских войск и повстанцев. Повстанцев поддержали тысячи вооруженных албанцев.
Власти были вынуждены проявить гибкость. Была объявлена амнистия арестованным офицерам-младотуркам. Срочно нашлись деньги для выплаты жалованья солдатам. Но остановить революцию было уже нельзя. Во многих городах Македонии младотурки провозгласили восстановление конституции 1876 года. 23 июля младотурки в Эдирне (Адрианополь) пообещали двинуть на столицу 2-й армейский корпус. Султан и правительство приняли требования революционеров. 24 июля вышел указ султана о восстановлении конституции. В указе содержалось обещание созыва парламента. По городам османской империи прокатились митинги в поддержку конституции. Из тюрем повсеместно освобождали политзаключенных. В Салониках, Стамбуле и других городах несколько дней шли огромные манифестации. Мусульмане братались с христианами. Казалось, что наступила весна свободы.
25 июля вышел указ султана об амнистии всех революционеров. Амнистировали около 80 тыс. человек - заключенных и эмигрантов. Однако радость длилась недолго. Скоро стало ясно, что султан не собирается уступать, а младотурки совсем не демократы. Попытки выступлений крестьян в Анатолии были подавлены местными младотурецкими комитетами с помощью жандармерии. Когда албанцы стали требовать автономии младотурки пригрозили бывшим союзникам артиллерией. Младотурки с помощью армии подавили выступления рабочих и железнодорожников Стамбула, Измира, Измита и других городов. Оказалось, что младотурки, по сути, продолжают прежний имперский курс. Это был верхушечный переворот, а не коренная революция, кардинальным образом меняющая политический и социально-экономический облик страны.
Генерал Норат Тер-Григорьянц: «Я предложил создать военную базу России в Армении»
Интервью ИА REGNUM
с начальником Генерального штаба Вооруженных сил Армении в
1992-1995гг., исполняющим обязанности министра обороны в 1993 году,
генерал-лейтенантом Норатом Григорьевичем Тер-Григорьянцем.
ИА
REGNUM: Здравствуйте Норат Григорьевич. Прошу Вас, расскажите о себе.
Что побудило руководство независимой Армении обратиться к российскому
генерал-лейтенанту армянского происхождения с просьбой — создать, или
сформировать, — Вооружённые силы страны?
Здравствуйте. Постараюсь ответить на этот объёмный, самый главный, на мой взгляд, вопрос.
Первое.
Сложная военно-политическая обстановка в регионе, и в частности —
развязанная война агрессивного государства Азербайджан против армянского
народа в Нагорном Карабахе (Арцахе) с целью его выдворения, уничтожения
и захвата указанной территории древней Армении. А также не утихающие
провокации, и бомбёжки азербайджанской авиации вдоль границ Армении,
из-за чего страдало население, живущее в приграничной зоне.
Второе.
Видимо руководство Армении с целью спасения положения и исключения
сказанного выше, выбирало по миру военачальника — профессионала в
области военных наук. Вот я и попал в их список, и, конечно, я благодарю
тогдашнего президента Армении Тер-Петросяна и министра обороны Вазгена
Саркисяна за оказанное мне доверие, которое позволило мне заниматься
созданием Вооружённых сил и управлением ими совместно с другими военными
и политическими деятелями Армении и Арцаха. Это для меня была огромная
честь и огромное доверие — являться составной частью в спасении страны и
народа — жителей Армении и НКР, от второго турецкого государства на
данном театре военных действий, от страны, которая продолжила политику
геноцида старшего брата. Так было сделано в Турции в 1915-23 годах,
когда турки уничтожили 1,5 млн армян, а остальных изгнали со своей
территории и создали своё государство на костях и богатстве армян. Вот
точно так начал действовать шовинистический Азербайджан, но уже в 1990-х
годах по отношению армян в Сумгаите, Баку и теперь приступил к
завершающему этапу — захвату Нагорного Карабаха. И что делать? Опять
допустить геноцид армян на нашей земле? Вот и было принято историческое
решение со стороны руководства Армении — создать самый главный институт
государства — Вооружённые силы для отражения агрессии и освобождении
наших территорий, в ответ на их наступление.
И почему именно меня
избрали? Видимо потому, что я военный — профессионал в этой области. И
служил в ВС СССР, прошёл все армейские должности, закончил все военные
образовательные ВУЗы на отлично и участвовал почти во всех крупных
конфликтах и даже войнах, которые были развязаны против моей страны. То
есть, имел определённый боевой опыт. А с уходом СССР со сцены, произошли
страшные события на постсоветском пространстве, и особенно на южном
Кавказе. Для интереса могу доложить своё прохождение для убедительности:
Я,
Тер-Григорьянц Норат Григорьевич, генерал-лейтенант Вооружённых сил
СССР и РФ. Родом я из Владикавказа, Северо-Осетинской Республики. Я
потомок бывших граждан Османской Турции. Мои родители были родом из
турецкой Армении, и во время Геноцида армян в Турции 1915-1923 годов,
они смогли спастись. Под прикрытием частей Кавказского фронта, а точнее
армянских формирований, они смогли целым родом дойти до Северного
Кавказа (из Эрзрума, Вана и Карса) и здесь их, беженцев, приютили власти
Осетии. Спасибо доброму, дружелюбному осетинскому народу за это. После
окончания средней школы я был призван в Вооружённые силы СССР в 1955
году. После трёх лет солдатской службы поступил в Военное гвардейское
ульяновское танковое училище им. В.И.Ленина. По завершении учёбы, в 1960
году приказом министра обороны мне было присвоено воинское звание —
лейтенант. Так с 1960 года я начал свою уже офицерскую службу:
Северо-Кавказский военный округ — г. Новочеркасск — командовал танковыми
подразделениями — танковым взводом, танковой ротой, стал начальником
штаба танкового батальона, а затем командиром танкового батальона, но
уже в Забайкальском Военном округе. Здесь я служил Родине около 8 лет.
В
те годы была очень сложная военно-политическая обстановка с КНР. Ведь
Китай тогда был враждебно настроен против СССР и требовал земли русские
от Урала и до Дальнего востока. Именно поэтому в этом регионе были
сосредоточены огромные силы нашей армии. И конечно были там и стычки. В
1970 году меня направили на учёбу в Москву, в Военную академию
бронетанковых войск. После 3-х лет учёбы, в звании подполковника я был
командирован для прохождения дальнейшей службы в Южную Группу войск — в
Венгрию, где я прослужил 5 лет на должностях командира танкового полка,
начальника штаба дивизии и 2 года командовал 93-ей гвардейской
мотострелковой дивизией в составе Варшавского договора. После 5-ти лет
военной службы в Южной группе войск, меня отправили на учёбу в Москву в
Академию генерального штаба, после окончании которой, получив
образование уже в стратегическом масштабе, в 1980 году я был направлен
на службу в Туркестанский военный округ — на должность первого
заместителя Начальника штаба военного округа. А через пару недель, был
отправлен в Афганистан, где шла война. Там я, в составе 110 тысячной
группировки ВС СССР, прослужил 3 года в должности первого заместителя
командующего армией — начальника штаба 40 армии.
Как участник этой
войны, я в составе наших войск выполнял приказ Родины по оказанию
интернациональной помощи афганскому народу, защищая его от варваров —
радикальных исламистов, которые оснащались средствами вооружённой борьбы
со стороны США, КНР, Пакистана, Ирана, Саудовской Аравии. Они имели ту
же цель, которую они имеют сегодня в Сирии и Ираке. Возглавляя штаб —
мозг армии, мы планировали, организовывали, координировали, управляли и
руководили боевыми действиями против этих врагов. После 3-х лет службы в
Афганистане меня приказом министра обороны ССС, отправили в Москву для
прохождения дальнейшей военной службы и назначили на должность
заместителя начальника Главного штаба сухопутных войск вооруженных сил
СССР, тогда же мне было присвоено воинское звание генерал-лейтенанта.
Одновременно
я занимал должность начальника организационно-мобилизационного
управления Сухопутных войск ВС СССР. Служба в армии здесь продлилась до
1992 года, так как в начале 1992 года я получил приглашение руководства
Армении — прибыть в Армению для того чтобы приступить к созданию ВС
республики. Я написал рапорт на увольнение из ВС, и несмотря на то, что
мне нужно было служить ещё 5 лет, приказом МО РФ я был уволен на пенсию и
срочно, в августе 1992 года, приехал в Ереван. Там, после разработки
Концепции строительства ВС и утверждения на совете безопасности РА, мы
приступили к созданию войск страны. Вместе с моими боевыми товарищами и
политическими деятелям мы создали мощную армию, боевая подготовка шла
круглые сутки.
И скажу вам в заключение, — отказавшись от
должности министра обороны, я был назначен на должность командующего
Вооружёнными силами Армении, в последующем возглавил Главный штаб ВС РА.
Мы создали мощную, боеспособную, оснащённую, морально устойчивую армию
на научной и регулярной основе. И эти регулярные Вооружённые силы
провели контрнаступательную армейскую операцию на горном театре военных
действий и изгнали противника с нашей армянской земли, из Карабаха. Наша
армия разбила азербайджанскую армию и защитила народ Арцаха от
геноцида, защитила честь и достоинство армянского народа и сейчас
защищает всех армян. Она должна быть в постоянной боевой готовности и
сейчас, ведь сегодня президент Азербайджана заявляет, что даже Ереван и
Зангезур это их земля. После моей службы армянскому народу, с августа
1992 по 1995 годы, я подал прошение верховному главнокомандующему —
Левону Тер-Петросяну с просьбой освободить меня от занимаемой должности в
ВС Армении в связи с окончанием выполнения поставленных боевых задач и
разрешить покинуть пределы Армении. Получив разрешение я, с чувством
исполненного долга, после 4-х лет моей службы в Армении, вернулся в
Россию, на Родину, где я родился и живу сейчас со своей семьёй.
ИА REGNUM: Вы были знакомы с Левоном Тер-Петросяном до вашего приезда в Армению?
Да,
я однажды встречался с ним в 1990 году в связи с тем, что количество
призывников из Армении в ВС СССР резко снизилось. Такой процесс тогда
шёл и в некоторых других республиках — особенно на Украине и в
Прибалтике. Тогда мы с начальником Главного штаба сухопутных войск СССР
отправились в Армению, где встречались с Левоном Тер-Петросяном. Он
тогда сказал, что эти молодые люди нужны ему в Армении, и он не может
позволить себе отпускать их на срочную службу в ряды ВС СССР. На это я
ему ответил, что он заблуждается, так как служба в армии даёт Армении
возможность получать готовый военно-обученный резерв. В итоге мы смогли
прийти к компромиссу, — призыв возобновлялся, но призывники, по
возможности, отправлялись в части недалеко от Армении. По большей части
их стали направлять в учебную дивизию в Грозном, и в последующим они
служили в разных родах войск ВС РФ. До этого я был в Армении ещё один
раз — незадолго до землетрясения. Тогда 127-ая мотострелковая дивизия,
базировавшаяся в Ленинакане (Гюмри), была поднята мною по учебно-боевой
тревоге и передислоцирована в Грузию для прохождения фронтовых учений и
проверки боеспособности войск Закавказского военного округа. Сейчас на
фондах этой дивизии, по моему предложению в 1992 году, находится 102
военная база в Армении.
ИА REGNUM: Как вы относитесь к
соглашению о прекращении огня, вступившему в силу 12 мая 1994 года?
Принимали ли вы участие в его подписании?
Я считаю, что это
отвратительный, бездарный документ, который ни в коем случае нельзя было
подписывать. Именно из-за него до сих пор не решён конфликт, а
Азербайджан, вооружаясь за счёт нефтедолларов, продолжает угрожать
Армении и НКР войной, и периодически устраивает стрельбу на границе. В
подписании я не участвовал, и вопросами этими заниматься меня не
приглашали — тогда я был на командном пункте, центре боевого управления.
ИА REGNUM: Приезжали ли с вами из России другие офицеры для того, чтобы помочь?
Нет.
Я предлагал некоторым товарищам поехать, но сначала они ответили, что
приедут тогда, когда я уже буду в Армении, и в них будет реальная нужда.
Но когда «нужда» появилась, некоторые, ссылаясь на политические и
другие факторы, отказались. Но, ряд офицеров приехал и с честью выполнил
свой долг.
ИА REGNUM: Есть много слухов и рассказов о том, что
министр обороны России Павел Грачёв оказывал всяческую поддержку
Армении. Правда ли это?
Грачёв был очень порядочный человек и
справедливая личность, и на тот момент олицетворял РФ. Он тогда
неоднократно приезжал в Армению, где я познакомил его с Вазгеном
Саркисяном, и между ними сложилась настоящая мужская дружба. Он видел,
что мы жертва в сложившейся ситуации и всегда старался нам помочь и
словом, и делом. Нельзя сказать, что помощь была какая-то очень большая,
но он всегда старался содействовать нам хотя бы словом, что уже было
немало. По сути, на тот момент нам больше всего нужны были боеприпасы,
их мы тогда получали самыми разными путями, Грачёв тоже нам несколько
раз в этом помог. К сожалению, 7-ая полевая армия СССР, стоявшая в
Армении, имела лишь полковые запасы боеприпасов, а 4-ая полевая армия
СССР, дислоцированная в Азербайджане, имела запасы боеприпасов вплоть до
стратегических (десятки тысяч вагонов).
ИА REGNUM: Сейчас всем
известно, что в Армении находится 102-ая база РФ. Есть ли ваш вклад в
её создание? Было ли в начале 1990-х обоюдное желание Армении и РФ её
создать?
Почти сразу после моего приезда в Армению мы
заговорили с руководством Армении о том, что же делать со 127-й
мотострелковой дивизией Закавказского военного округа РФ,
дислоцированной в Гюмри. Надо сказать, что тогдашнее руководство не
горело желанием оставлять российских военнослужащих в Армении,
придерживаясь позиции «пускай уходят». Я тогда сразу настоял на том,
чтобы эту дивизию удерживали в Армении, обосновав это тем, что Армения
стала независимой страной, на тот момент не входящей ни в какие военные
блоки, и при этом имеющая границу с далеко недружелюбной Турцией и войну
с Азербайджаном. Поэтому я сразу стал настаивать на том, чтобы на месте
127-й дивизии была создана военная база, прикрывающая границы Армении.
Особого желания ни с той, ни с другой стороны не было. Москва была не
очень заинтересована из-за сложного финансового положения и блокады
Армении почти со всех направлений. Я тогда объяснил, что Турция сможет
без особых проблем уничтожить Армению одним махом, так как никаких
серьёзных войск у Еревана не было. РФ же сохраняла возможность
защищаться от НАТО на дальних рубежах, сохранив единственную союзную,
буферную страну в Закавказье. Я был назначен председателем комиссии,
занимающейся вопросами организации этой военной базы, и договорённость в
итоге была достигнута. Тогда же у нас шли переговоры с генералом армии
Николаевым, командующим пограничными войсками России, в результате чего
уже в 1992 году была достигнута договорённость о том, что 50%
пограничников в Армении являются представителями ВС РФ, а другие 50% ВС
Армении. Позже, к 1995 году, на переговорах с Павлом Грачёвым была
достигнута договорённость о переброске на аэродром Эребуни
истребительной авиации.
ИА REGNUM: Развивали ли вы военные связи с другими государствами?
За
время моей службы в Армении, кроме формирования ВС, мы также успели
заключить договор с Грецией об обучении там наших офицеров, причём
бесплатно. Также был заключён договор об обучении с Россией, на платной
основе. В итоге, к сегодняшнему дню подавляющее большинство офицеров в
Армении обладают академическим образованием хорошего уровня.
ИА
REGNUM: Почему вы ушли из армянских вооружённых сил? Предлагали ли вам
остаться, занять более высокие должности, например, министра обороны
Армении?
В 1995 году, как было сказано ранее, я написал рапорт
Левону Тер-Петросяну с просьбой уволить меня из ВС, так как, на мой
взгляд, я выполнил свои задачи. Мне предлагали остаться, но я посчитал,
что мой долг выполнен, и я даже отказался от поста министра обороны.
Правда, ещё 8 месяцев я оставался на должности 1-ого замминистра
обороны, для того, чтобы ввести в курс дела нового министра обороны —
Сержа Саргсяна, чью кандидатуру я тогда поддержал. И вот, к концу 1995
года я покинул Армению, и покинул с чистой совестью. Кстати, и.о.
министра обороны я всё же некоторое время исполнял — в 1993 году, когда
Вазген Саркисян покинул свой пост и был назначен государственным
министром, а новый министр Вазген Манукян ещё не занял свой пост. Вазген
Манукян — тоже оказался очень порядочным, разумным человеком, большим
патриотом, который внёс свою лепту в победу нашей армии. Я считаю, что мне очень повезло, что для выполнения вышеуказанных
задач выбрали именно меня, и я горжусь тем, что так произошло. Что меня
окружали Патриоты Родины и своим поведением они и меня превратили в
мощного патриота армянского народа и Армении с Арцахом. Спасибо Левону
Тер-Петросяну, Вазгену Саркисяну, Вазгену Манукяну, Гагику Арутюняну,
Гургену Далибалтаяну, генералу Андриасяну, президентам сегодняшней
Армении и НКР, — героическим патриотам Страны. Офицерам, солдатам,
служащим, фидаинам — в лице Манвела Григоряна и народа армянского — за
то, что в ту трудную минуту мы все создали единый кулак и в единстве
вышли победителями в этой войне. Так надо действовать и сейчас, чтобы
наши государства процветали, и чтобы армяне, живущие на чужбине
возвращались на Родину. И царство небесное тем, кто жизнью своей защитил
мой народ и страну от агрессоров.
Честь имею!
Regarding the little known Russian involvement during Armenia's 1918 war of liberation -
Shoulder to Shoulder in Armenia during May 1918
By Hrant Sarkisov
May
26, 1918 marked a New Era for the Armenian people, era of
Independence after more than five hundred years of subservient stateless
existence. That day, the day of Battle of Sardarapat is the real
Independence Day for Armenians. Therefore for us the words INDEPENDENCE
and SARDARAPAT are nearly synonymous. Sardarapat is a small spot on
the map of Armenia, spot that would have remained unnoticed if it
hadn't become the symbol of the great victory, symbol of the glorious
hour for Armenian nation, turning point in the modern Armenian
history when we proved that we regain our capability to fight and win
the battle. Sardarapat, village called in the name of wall built by
the governor of a Persian province. Sardarapat… Sa – Ardar – Pat.
This is a fair wall. So it sounds in translation from Armenian into
English. Probably it was not just a coincidence that this battle took
place exactly here. There is truth in it. Here people rose as a wall
in the name of eternal truth, the freedom, in the name of life and
independence. People remember their heroes. People remember everyone
who stood shoulder to shoulder with the Armenians not sparing their
life in the name of truth, and brotherhood. Speaking about Sardarapat
let us first look at the theatre of operations where the miracle of
Sardarapat became possible.
During the first world war Russia waged successful military campaign against Turkey on the Caucasian front. Before ceasefire concluded in December of 1916 many cities of Western Armenia, such as Van, Sarikamish, Erzerum, Trapizond, Artvin, Bayazet were liberated. A little more and the Turks would have surrendered. But the destiny disposed differently. After the October revolution bolsheviks who came to power signed the Brest-Litovsk separate treaty with Triple Alliance states according to which the Russian armies were withdrawn from Caucasus. Territories liberated by the Russian army were to be given back to Turkey.
Withdrawal of Russian troops from the Caucasian front (because of revolution more resembling exodus) began in December of 1917. That was putting Armenians in terrible situation when extended frontline got defenceless. The Armenian army corps had been urgently formed with the active assistance and participation of Russian officers and soldiers. Many of them stayed in Armenia helping to defend the country. For example, during the period of Erzinjan fights and the battle of Erzerum the command over the first Armenian infantry brigade was carried out by Russian army colonel Morel.
Despite the intense fights in the Western Armenia between Armenian forces and Turkish army Turks were rapidly advancing. Erzinjan fell on February 12, then followed Baiburt, and Erzerum. On February 24 Turks occupied Trapizond and Mamakhatun. The threat of Turkish invasion in Transcaucasia, beyond the line agreed in Brest-Litovsk Treaty, became very real. At that time Chicherin, Minister of foreign affairs of Russia, sent a telegram addressed to the German ambassador in Tiflis of the following content: "The Turkish army is advancing towards Batum, Kars, Ardahan, ravaging and killing the civilians. The responsibility for the further destiny of the Armenians is assigned to Germany, for the Russian armies were withdrawn from the Armenian areas at Germany's request. Now constraining the Turkish armies from usual excesses is up to Germany."
Policies of Transcaucasian Federation's government resulted in loss of Kars. The chairman of Transcaucasian Federative Democratic Republic's government Mr. Chkhenkeli ordered Lieutenant-General Nazarbekov, commander of the Armenian corps, hand over the city to the Turks without fight for all that the general himself was categorically against that decision as his armies had a real opportunity to repel Turks' attack and to keep Kars fortress area for more than a month. The objections of the commander of the corps were rejected, and the city and the fortress of Kars that had all resources to stand against the enemy at least for a month was given up with almost no resistance.
Then Turks occupied Alexandropol (Gyumri), and were advancing their large forces towards Karakilis and Erivan (Yerevan). The historical battle took place in the environs of Sardarapat, on the approaches to Erivan, where the Turks were stopped and defeated. The Russians, Greeks, Yezidis fought together with Armenians. The hastily formed First special horse regiment under the command of Sergeant-Major Zolotarev fought with a special courage. (In Cossack formations the rank of sergeant-major was equal to the rank of lieutenant-colonel). A famous Soviet commander Marshal Baghramian fought under Zolotarev's command who made Baghramian non-commissioned officer in the first squadron of the regiment. "He was an efficient, exigent and skilled commander", the marshal would write later about Zolotarev in his memoirs.
Under his command in the battle of Sardarapat the regiment successfully attacked the Turks from the limits of the Kerpalu (Arshaluis) and Kerdukli (Armavir) villages, and destroying Turkish detachments advanced to the Kamishlu (Eghegnut) railway station and liberated the village and Sardarapat railway station. Partisan infantry regiment that consisted of the Cossacks and Armenians under the command of Colonel Perekrestov distinguished in the battle of Sardarapat. The Cossacks caught the Turks by surprise suddenly appearing before them. Captain Shneur was appointed the Chief of staff of Sardarapat detachment. Together with the commander of detachment, General Daniel Bek-Pirumov, he directly participated in the battle.
One of the heroes of the campaign was General Movses Silikov, cadre general of tsarist army, and commander in chief of the Erivan group of the Armenian forces. Besides concentrating the main forces of the group in Sardarapat detachment he properly deployed them and ensured success of the whole campaign. Silikov, udin by origin, appealed to the Armenian nation calling all men and women to stand up for protection of their country. Marshal of the Soviet Union Ivan Baghramian in his memoirs wrote about Silikov: "I can not pass over in silence the outstanding merits of Major-General Silikov in routing Turks in the environs of Sardarapat in the spring of 1918. I am strongly convinced that Silikov was the most gifted commander among the Armenian generals of that time. As other generals and the majority of senior Armenian officers, he did not know the Armenian language, and had no sufficient notion of the people, its fighting traditions and specific traits of the personnel in national army." Thanks to General Silikov the Sardarapat operation was carried out successfully.
Three hundred yezid horsemen led by Jahangir agha also contributed to the victory, as did two squadrons of Russians who participated in the battle of Sardarapat under the command of Zemliak. Captain Bort headed the Armenian detached shock regiment created in Alexandropol. General Baratov, Lieutenant-Colonels Spitsin, Kafiev, Efremovich, Khmelnitskiy, Khelminskiy, Kablitskiy, artilleryman Ensign Klich, Captain Sakellary and many other Russian officers also participated in the battle of Sardarapat. Groups of volunteers were formed not only in Armenia, but also in Russia. A regiment of 500-600 bayonets under the command of Colonel Samartsev, part of Andranik's division operating on Karakilis line, was sent to Khnus front.
Among those who arrived from Russia to fight against Turkish aggressors, there was also Siberian Armenian company. In March, 1918 in Tiflis Andranik took command over the company which later became a part of the Armenian detached shock regiment. Three brilliant Russian officers were among the staff of the company. Lieutenant Kolmakov, one of its commanders, wrote in detail about this company in the series of articles titled the "Historical Armenian company." Articles were published in 1919 in several issues of "Nashe Vremia" Baku newspaper. "It was a company of 210 Armenian prisoners of war, - writes Kolmakov,- voluntarily surrendered to us in fights with Turks and for unknown reasons evacuated by our government to Siberia, as if in gratitude for their sympathies to Russia." Kolmakov, a Russian patriot fond of the Armenian people and appreciating its fidelity to Russia voluntarily joined the company and arriving in Tiflis joined the formed regiment. Later he joined Andranik's detachment.
Kolmakov participated in many battles, he was fighting side by side with Andranik. He wrote: "Andranik's detachment was encircled, Turks had captured the railway station. It was extremely dangerous situation but someone had to stop Turkish attack and ensure the evacuation of civilians from Kazanchi, Shnshtap, Chiftali, Guyullibulakh and other villages where fierce fights were going. Andranik himself on a lathery horse headed the fight with a naked sabre. Having slightly reined in the horse, the general commanded: "Forward! Follow me! Hurrah!" And he galloped forward fearless as always. We followed him. The Turks rained bullets and shells, but that could not stop us: Andranik was with us. There was Turkish cavalry. It couldn't endure our raid and ran away in panic. Turks were defeated. But Andranik didn't pursue them for a horde of Turks still approached us both from the front and flanks. He ordered all villages to evacuate for our group of three thousand fighters had to occupy a part of the front several thousand versts wide".
The days of the battle of Sardarapat, Andranik's division took up the main thrust of the Turkish army protecting a part of Karakilis-Tiflis road. He held the forces of Vekhib pasha who was intending to transfer the forces to Sardarapat. The Armenian army had to repulse also newly formed Azerbaijan Republic attacks that hankered after the Armenian lands. It is necessary to note here the outstanding role of General Denikin. Azerbaijan and Georgia on June 16, 1919 concluded a treaty against Denikin's Voluntary army and Armenia. In reply Denikin concluded a secret military pact with Armenia. The Republic of Armenia with its forces formed the 7th corps of Denikin's army. On September 9, 1919 Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia issued an order: "In view of hostile attitude of the Azerbaijan authorities to the Russian army and in view of perfidious encroachment of the Azerbaijan armies upon Armenia's lands I command all officers of the Russian service in the Azerbaijan Army to leave the ranks of that army."
In 1919 Armenia was supported practically only by the Voluntary army. Denikin sent to Erivan some arms from his poor stocks. The hope for restoration of united Russia didn't abandon the Armenians and the Dashnak government did its best to help Denikin's army. After gaining independence Armenia didn't receive the expected support from England, thus the idea of American support came to the fore. President Woodrow Wilson promised to help but the Senate counted up the possible expenses and decided that supporting Armenia would cost American tax-payers 151,2 mln pounds within 5 years. That was too costly, and in reply to Wilson's appeal to their humanism the senators answered: "We don't want to get involved in European affairs even for humanitarian reasons".
In 1920 after the defeat of the main forces of Denikin Army Armenia again remained face to face with the Turks. The indifference of the Entente states to the destiny of Armenia amazed Russian emigres. "Even Bolshevik Russia is a better protection for Armenia than their official patrons from the Entente", wrote Miliukov. History repeats and teaches us time and again. At the beginning of the century we were unable to reap the fruits of our victory. The events of 1917-1920 should make many our politicians look on current events with a different perspective. Similarities are striking. Those who fought and shed their blood for the Armenian independence forever will remain in the memories and the hearts of grateful Armenians. From generation to generation their names will exemplify the heroism, humanism, true brotherhood, and genuine internationalism.
Source: http://armenia.ru/
Israel Ori
Israel Ori: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Ori
Hovsep Emin
Hovsep Emin: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Emin
Mkhitar Sparapet
Mkhitar Sparapet: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mkhitar_Sparapet
Davit Bek
Davit Bek: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Bek
Hovsep Emin
Hovsep Emin: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Emin
Mkhitar Sparapet
Mkhitar Sparapet: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mkhitar_Sparapet
Davit Bek
Valerian Madatov
Valerian Madatov: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valerian_Madatov
Mikhail Loris-Melikov
Valerian Madatov: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valerian_Madatov
Mikhail Loris-Melikov
Mikhail Loris-Melikov: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Loris-Melikov
Ivan Aivazovsky
Ivan Ayvazovsky: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Aivazovsky
Khachatur Abovyan
Khachatur Abovyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khachatur_Abovian
Orbeli Brothers
Joseph Orbeli: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Orbeli
Levon Orbeli: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Orbeli
Orbelian Dynasty: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orbelian_Dynasty
Artyom Alikhanian: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Artyom_AlikhanianAbraham Alikhanian: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abraham_Alikhanov
Gevork Vartanian
Gevork Vartanian: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gevork_Vartanian
Marshal Ivan Baghramyan
Marshal Ivan Baghramyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hovhannes_Bagramyan
Aram Khachaturyan
Aram Khachaturyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aram_Khachaturian
Victor Hambartsumyan
Victor Hambartsuamyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Ambartsumian
Artem Mikoyan
Artem Mikoyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Artem_Mikoyan
Anastas Mikoyan
Anastas Mikoyan: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anastas_Mikoyan
Arthur Chilingarov
Arthur Chilingarov:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Artur_Chilingarov
Sergei Lavrov
Sergei Lavrov: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sergey_Lavrov
Margarita Simonyan
For our own sake, for Armenia's sake, we need to finally recognize that Yerevan's "complimentary politics" of the past twenty-plus years has allowed the seeding of Armenia with globalist/Western values. The pursuit of wealth (the real reason behind complimentary politics) has allowed the seeding of Armenia with corrosive Globalist values and destructive Western agents. Consequently, the country's so-called political opposition is a filthy den of Western (and Turkish) agents. Such agents also operate inside the Armenian government. Consequently, Western interests and their Armenian helpers freely disseminate Russophobic rhetoric throughout Armenian society. Consequently, Armenians are unable to exploit the full potentials of Armenia's alliance with Russia. Consequently, although Russia remains the only factor in the world keeping Armenia alive in a terrible neighborhood, Armenians seem more interested in learning English and seeking Western goods. Consequently, the post-Soviet generation in Armenia (essentially those raised on American pop culture) are more prone to doubting or underestimating Russia's strategic importance to Armenia. "Complimentary politics" is the reason why we have inexplicable aberration such as this -
Due to Yerevan's "complimentary politics", Armenian troops today regularly train side-by-side with Turks, Azeris, Georgians and other anti-Armenian nationalities. Due to Yerevan's "complimentary politics", Armenia today hosts a NATO training center. Allow me to remind the reader: NATO member Turkey that has been blockading Armenia for the past twenty-five years; NATO member states have recently destroyed Libya, Ukraine and Syria; NATO actively conspires against Armenia's only allies, Russia and Iran. And we wonder why Moscow does not fully trust Yerevan.
If any of this nonsense is left uncheck, Yerevan's lack of geostrategic foresight will eventually destroy the country. We must also therefore understand that whatever flaws that currently exists in Armenia's relationship with Russia, it is primarily due to our politician's counterproductive flirtations with Western powers and due to the lack of Armenian lobbying efforts in Moscow.
This is what Armenians need to mentally grasp: If Armenia was faced with a serious threat, the ONLY nation on earth that would be militarily capable and politically willing to come to its aid is the Russian nation. Why? Because Russia is the only nation on earth that would be in serious trouble if Armenia was wiped off the map. Russia's strategic alliance with Armenia is therefore natural and genuine, and there remains room for further growth. Moreover, we need to finally understand that without a Russian presence in the south Caucasus, the entire region would quickly revert back to being a Turkic/Islamic cesspool. Therefore, deeper, closer Russian-Armenian relations is Armenia's only security guarantee.