Russian spies sought in Armenia after Dossier Center investigation claims Kremlin spy network working in country
"On the Dulles' ability to overthrow regimes in Iran and Guatemala but not in Cuba or Vietnam: They were able to succeed [at regime change] in Iran and Guatemala because those were democratic societies, they were open societies. They had free press; there were all kinds of independent organizations; there were professional groups; there were labor unions; there were student groups; there were religious organizations. When you have an open society, it's very easy for covert operatives to penetrate that society and corrupt it."
Nikol supports are the lowest of God's creatures. It's not a political or ideological matter, it's a matter of character, education, values. Only the lowest of the low can emotionally and/or mentally attach themselves to a street scoundrel like Nikol. And there are so many of them. A nation can survive its external enemies, but never its internal ones. I am desperately trying to find some hope. I am desperately searching for even a glimmer of light in our darkness. I do not know what the election result will be come June 20, but I know that at the height of the anti-government protests last December there were more Armenians shopping in Yerevan's two malls then on the streets protesting Nikol's blood-soaked regime. I should not have been surprised or upset because this is after all what "westernization", "democracy", "open society" and of course "people power" is all about. There is not a single nation on earth that rose to wealth or prominence as a result of democracy, yet there are countless examples of nations that fell into utter decay as a result of democracy and western style freedoms. None of this however mattered to Armenians. A significant portion of Armenian society today seems to enjoy swimming in their excrement. We need to save Armenia from the Armenian Street. We need someone like former president Robert Kocharyan to return to power.
Դանիել Իոաննիսյանին պետք է արգելել դիտորդություն իրականացնել Արցախում․ նա աջակցում է Սորոսի թեկնածու համարվող Մասիս Մայիլյանին
The gossip at the time was, Moscow had warned that if Armenia (which had already fallen to CIA/Soros financed individuals) allowed Soros-affiliated individuals to come to power in Stepanakert as well, Russia would pull its protective hand away from Artsakh and allow Baku to settle the matter militarily. Don't know if there is any truth to this gossip, but what ended-up happening last autumn was in-effect exactly in-line with it. For a long time before the war, patriots were warning Armenian society about the increase of anti-Russian, pro-Western and pro-Turkish activities inside Armenia. Some of us warned that Armenia was heading towards a disaster. Just days before the outbreak of the war, Menua Harutunyan warned that Turkey is preparing to help Azerbaijan attack Artsakh -
1) When President Kocharyan assumed power in 2008, he was still young, still inexperience and, more importantly, an outsider in Armenia and in Yerevan's political scene. There was only so much he could do in a country he was not familiar with and among a population where he actually was not very liked. There was only so much he could do in a political landscape where Vazgen Sargsyan and Karen Demirjyan wielded the greatest amount of power and influence.
2) All the emphasis in Armenian politics throughout the time in question was placed on getting wealthy. The war had ended. There was no Azeri or Turkish threat. The only thought in people's minds at the time was to get rich quickly and live like westerners. President Kocharyan was plunged into that culture. I am not justifying his sins, I'm just explaining the culture/mindset of the time in Armenia, which still exists today. President Kocharyan was simply following a trend that was started after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was also a trend observed throughout former Soviet space.
3) Moscow was not projecting power during President Kocharyan's time in office. Russia at the time was mostly busy with a number of serious internal problems, not the least of which was an Islamic uprising in the northern Caucasus. Kocharyan's presidency was at a time when the Anglo-American-Jewish alliance was at its very peak of power and influence. With Western powers running amok throughout the world at the time, President Kocharyan had a rational reason/excuse to pursue the multi-vectoral diplomatic approach that later came to be known as "complimentary politics".
All political parties must receive a minimum of five percent of the vote to enter parliament. All political alliances must receive a minimum of seven percent. This means as things stand ԼՀԿ and ՀԿ being under five percent, and Պատիվ Ունեմ being under seven percent, would not enter parliament.Parliamentary seats will be divided among parties and alliances that have cleared the necessary thresholds, based on the percentages of votes receives. Meaning as it stands (Scenario I), with Պատիվ Ունեմ and ԼՀԿ and ՀԿ not clearing the necessary thresholds, the ruling party would receive 57.3 percent of parliamentary seats, keeping control of the government (first graphic below). Moreover, even if only Պատիվ Ունեմ cleared the necessary threshold (Scenario II), the ruling party would likely still receive a majority of the vote needed to retain power. Finally, if all three of Պատիվ Ունեմ, ԼՀԿ, and ՀԿ get in (Scenario III), the ruling party will likely be able to form a coalition with Aram Sargsyan’s ՀԿ, and retain power).
If a party or coalition gets less than fifty-four percent, but more than fifty percent, they will be granted the additional seats needed to reach a fifty-four percent majority. (Please note the difference between a coalition and an alliance. A coalition is formed post-election between parties and alliances in order to form a ruling government. An example would be a coalition between the Հայաստան alliance, ԲՀԿ, and Պատիվ Ունեմ alliance. An alliance is formed pre-election, such as the Հայաստան alliance between ՀՅԴ, Robert Kocharyan, and ՎՀԿ or that of Պատիվ Ունեմ between ՀՀԿ and the Fatherland Party.) This rule would be important in Scenario II, where all the ruling party would need would be a majority.
If a ruling government is not formed within six days of the election, a runoff will be held between the top two parties, where the winner will receive the additional seats needed to reach fifty-four percent.
A ruling coalition can be formed by up to three parties or coalitions. Meaning in the scenario that both Պանիվ Ունեմ and ԼՀԿ clear the necessary thresholds, but ՀԿ doesn’t, even if ԼՀԿ genuinely wanted to end the current government by forming a coalition with the Հայաստան alliance, ԲՀԿ, and the Պատիվ Ունեմ alliance, it would not be possible. In such a scenario, if the ruling party has not received a majority, there will be a run-off election between the ruling party and the Հայաստան alliance.